Is There a Market for Suspicion of the US?

Published in Taiwan Times
(Taiwan) on 14 February 2023
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Lisa Attanasio.
Is there a market for suspicion of the U.S.? Because the Democratic Progressive Party is pro-American, some members of the Kuomintang have proposed a viewpoint that is suspicious of the U.S. While they have stated that being suspicious of the U.S. is not anti-American, this move has disrupted the party’s direction.

The DPP collapsed in the 2018 “nine-in-one” local elections, and most people thought that the party was sure to lose in the 2020 general election. However, the party had a big win, which people believed was a result of the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong. More importantly, regardless of the election results, public support for the DPP is always greater than that for the KMT. Some people believe that the DPP’s pro-America, anti-China stance has elevated the party’s influence. In the past when the U.S. and China reconciled their differences, the pro-America, anti-China stance was irrelevant. Recently, however, as the struggle for hegemony between the two countries has become increasingly apparent, the competing demands of pro-America, anti-China and anti-America, pro-China have created opposition in Taiwan.

It is very obvious that public opinion in Taiwan is pro-America, anti-China. Even if the DPP administration fails and they lose the election, their influence will still exceed that of the KMT. This truth makes the pan-Blue coalition (KMT) nervous because it pushes their chances of ruling far into the indefinite future. Thus, as a solution, they want to press the idea of being suspicious of the U.S. They assert that by being pro-American, Taiwan is nothing more than a pawn moved around by the U.S. While the KMT wants to seize the public opinion from the DPP, a huge gap remains in the number of people who are suspicious of the U.S. and pro-American. Capturing public opinion will be difficult.

Taiwan did not start on the pro-American path with the DPP. During World War II, Chiang Kai-shek was not only pro-American but very reliant on the U.S. Conversely, at the time, the Taiwanese were anti-American. It wasn’t until the KMT was driven out of China to Taiwan by the Chinese Communist Party that the Taiwanese were forced to follow along with Chiang’s pro-American stance. Later, the oppression Taiwan faced from the CCP caused the Taiwanese to have no choice but to be pro-American.

After he was driven to Taiwan, Chiang relied on America’s protection to survive, accommodating the U.S. unconditionally. For example, during the May 24 incident in 1957, a soldier from the Republic of China was killed, but the murderer was sent back to the U.S. by the U.S. military. The unequal alliance between the two sides was exposed, igniting mass riots. Chiang, however, issued a proclamation urging the people not to take action like that taken in the Boxer Rebellion. The Chiang regime explicitly wanted to prevent people from offending the U.S. After the Chinese Communist Party grew in strength and eventually came to represent China, the KMT in Taiwan became an international orphan, even more reliant on the U.S. to survive.

The Republic of China, led by the KMT, followed the path of being anti-CCP, pro-American. Later, when the DPP took over, it did not change course, prompting public opinion to also follow this path. It even produced a strange phenomenon in the political world: All those who aspire to political power hope for the approval of the U.S. Because the popular opinion in Taiwan is pro-American, the U.S. can influence presidential elections. Some political figures who aspire to power are trying to think of various ways to cling to American influence.

The pro-American path was forged by the KMT but spread by the DPP. Now, even though the KMT wants to take it back, it is not strong enough to do so. This has caused some in the pan-Blue coalition to want to change course from being pro-America to being suspicious of America. But they are taking voters for fools, when they themselves are fools who have forgotten who forged this path in the first place. The DPP is happy to see the pan-Blue coalition chart this new course. When the time comes, it will be the big-name politicians who have put in hard work in the U.S. who will be amazed. Those happiest to see conflicting views in the pan-Blue coalition are probably the DPP.

Recently, local organizations have begun to discuss how to unravel the blue party’s call for suspicion of the U.S. However, this is a waste of time. The pan-Blue coalition candidate should be nervous about being suspicious of the U.S., not the Green Party candidate.


(社論)「疑美論」有市場嗎?

(社論)「疑美論」有市場嗎? 因為民進黨親美,造成部分中國國民黨人士提出疑美觀點,並表示「疑美」並非「反美」,只是此舉打亂該黨的方向。

二○一八年的九合一選舉民進黨崩解,一般人認定二○二○年的大選該黨必定下野,結果卻是大勝,大家認為是香港的「反送中」所造成,更重要的是無論選舉的結果如何,民進黨的民意支持度一直高於中國國民黨,因而有人認定民進黨因「親美反中」才拉高政黨的聲勢。以前美國與中國傾向和解,「親美反中」的路線無關痛癢,可是近來雙方爭霸的態勢越來越明顯,「親美反中」與「親中反美」兩種訴求在台灣形成對立。

非常明顯的,台灣的主流民意偏向「親美反中」,就算民進黨施政失敗,輸了選舉,政黨的聲望還是超越中國國民黨,這一項事實使藍營緊張,因為它造成藍營執政遙遙無期,乃意圖推出破解之方,因而提出「疑美論」,主張台灣親美只不過扮演美國的棋子,下棋的還是美國,意圖從民進黨手中搶回主流民意,只是「疑美」與「親美」還是差一段大距離,難從民進黨手中搶回主流民意。

走親美路線不是始自民進黨,在第二次世界大戰期間蔣介石不只是「親美」而已,還相當依賴美國,那一段期間台灣人反而是反美,在中國國民黨被中國共產黨趕來台灣時,台灣人才被迫跟著蔣介石「親美」。後來台灣人面對中共的壓力,造成台灣人也不得不「親美」。

被趕來台灣的蔣介石完全依賴美國的保護而生存,對美國無條件遷就。例如一九五七年的五二四事件,中華民國的軍人被殺,兇手卻被美軍送回美國,顯現雙方存在不平等條約,因而引起群眾暴動,蔣介石還發佈文告,勸阻民眾不要有義和團的舉動。蔣政權明確的要民眾不可得罪美國。中共茁壯之後取得中國代表權,在台灣的政權變成國際孤兒,更仰美國的鼻息而生存。

中國國民黨所主導的中華民國依循「反共親美」的路線走,後來民進黨入主中華民國,也沒有改變路線,促使台灣主流民意依循此路線,在政壇還產生一個奇怪現象,所有要問鼎九五者都期待美國的加持,因台灣主流民意親美,造成美國有能力影響總統的大選。幾位有意問鼎九五的政治人物,也都想辦法透過各種途徑,抱一下美國的大腿。

「親美」路線是中國國民黨所創,被民進黨拿來揮灑,中國國民黨想搶回這個招牌,只是心有餘而力不足,造成有些藍營人士想改變招牌,將「親美」變為「疑美」,將選民當作白癡,事實上自己是白癡,忘了這一路線是誰規劃出來的。只是民進黨對藍營規劃新路線也是樂觀其成,到時候目瞪口呆的就是那些已在美國下功夫的大咖政客。藍營出現矛盾,最樂的應該是民進黨。

日前本土社團開會商討如何破解藍營所提出的「疑美論」,這是浪費時間,對「疑美論」該緊張的是藍營的總統候選人,不是綠營。
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