The Worrying Corrosion of the US 1-China Policy

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 3 March 2023
by Sun Yang-ming (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
The relationship between the U.S. and the Chinese Communist Party seems to be tumultuous lately. In one day, the U.S. House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee passed three bills aimed at the CCP, seemingly pushing this anti-China mood up to a small climax. Strictly speaking, methods such as playing the Taiwan card or using Taiwan to embarrass the CCP are probably merely like foam on a wave and actually will not amount to much. Still, in the long run, the U.S. should be careful.

Regarding the structure of the U.S. government, foreign policy is generally shared between the president/executive branch and the Senate, while the House of Representatives can only focus on a limited area of foreign policy. Because the Senate currently has a weak majority of Democrats, the same party that is in the White House/executive branch, Republicans are taking advantage of their control of the House in the face of the 2024 presidential election. They are harnessing the current anti-China mood to propose motions and bills that will embarrass the Democrats because of their impossibility. Why shouldn’t they, if they can embarrass the Democrats and also reveal their incompetence while playing to voters?

Regarding its China policy, the current Democratic Biden administration wants to put on the brakes, pull back and seek stability. Moreover, it is already reviewing its policies toward the Taiwan Strait. Frustratingly, the officials involved are really rather unseasoned, and thus are easily distracted by side issues (such as the balloon incident).

The messaging from Washington indicates that in addition to the uncertainty in Russia and Ukraine, Washington has two demands of Beijing: First, in the short run, the U.S. hopes the CCP will purchase more of its national debt. This is a serious matter that relates to American financial stability and even the continuance of U.S. dollar hegemony. Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen has repeatedly expressed a desire to visit Beijing, which is related to the first issue. Second, something more long term — in the latter half of the year (November), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation will have an informal summit of leaders in Washington, which Biden hopes Xi Jinping will attend. However, because of the unseasoned way the officials involved are handling things, the situation has become rather chaotic. The simplest example of this is that during the balloon incident, President Joe Biden’s explanation differed from that of officials. Moreover, for its own interests, Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party government distorted the words of U.S. officials in translation, making the situation even more chaotic.

For example, in an interview with Jeffrey Goldberg, editor-in-chief of The Atlantic, Antony Blinken said that the crisis in the Taiwan Strait was not an issue of Chinese internal affairs. Many media outlets in Taiwan saw this as a big news story, possibly because they did not understand the historical background of the statement, and also due to guidance from the DPP administration.

Actually, as early as the 1960s, the CCP’s determination of the Taiwan issue and the cease-fire in the Taiwan Strait was entirely different. The CCP defined the Taiwan issue as an internal matter, the resolution of which could not be discussed with Americans. However, the cease-fire in the Taiwan Strait was a historical legacy and an international matter that could be discussed with the U.S. For this reason, when Blinken said that the crisis in the Taiwan Strait is not an internal matter of the CCP, he was not wrong, and this was nothing new. He was simply pulling a fast one by skating around the interpretation.

When thinking of America’s short- and medium-term demands of the CCP, look at some of its current practices and messaging methods, content and context. Perhaps Michael Swaine, a senior research fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, is correct: While there is no immediate crisis between the U.S., China and Taiwan, America’s one-China policy is exhibiting some worrying corrosion.


美國一中政策 腐蝕現象令人憂

美國與中共關係最近似乎鬧得不可開交,美國眾院外委會一天之內連續通過三個修理中共的法案,似乎為這個反中(push up)氣氛帶出了一波小高潮。但嚴格而論,這些打台灣牌、拿著台灣去惡心中共的作法,大概都只是浪潮中的泡沫,實在成不了什麼氣候;但若就長期而言,卻是需要小心。

僅就美國政府結構言,美國外交政策大致上是由總統/行政部門與參院分享,眾院所能著力之處有限。參院現正由與總統/行政部門同黨的民主黨以微弱多數掌控,面對二○二四總統大選,共和黨利用掌控著眾院優勢,駕著華府當前反中氣氛,提出一些給民主黨不可能做到而難堪議案/法案,一方面可以惡心民主黨,還可以顯示民主黨的無能並示好選民,何樂不為?

現在民主黨拜登政府,在中國政策上處於一種想要煞車收縮並求取穩定的態勢,而且其對台海的政策已處於檢討過程。無奈的是,相關官員實在處於「並不成熟」情況,因此容易為旁枝節(如氣球事件)所分心。

來自華府訊息表示,就當前可見,除了俄烏不確定狀態外,華府對北京需求有二:一是當下短期問題,即美國希望中共增購美國國債;這事關美國財政穩定,乃至美元霸權存續,茲事體大。財政部長葉倫女士一再表達希望往訪北京,即與此事有關;其次則是較長期議題,即下半年(十一月)亞太經合會(APEC)非正式領袖峰會將在華府召開,拜登自是希望習近平親訪;但是由於相關官員的處理方式不夠成熟,使情勢變得頗為混亂。最簡單的是,在氣球事件中,拜登本人說法與官員說法就頗有出入。再加上民進黨政府為求其本身利益,在詮釋美方官員講話時,頗有失真之處,使得狀況更加渾沌。

例如,布林肯在接受大西洋月刊主編哥德柏格訪問時表示,台海危機並非中國內政問題;台灣多數媒體將此視為重大新聞,這可能是不了解此一說法的歷史性背景,再加上民進黨政府的導引所致。

其實,早在上個世紀六○年代,中共在台灣問題與台海停火問題的定性,就迥然不同。中共的定義是,台灣問題是中國內政,台灣問題解決不可以和美國人談;但是台海停火問題,則是歷史遺留,是國際問題,可以和美國人談。就此緣由,所以布林肯說,台海危機並非中共內政,並不能算錯,但也不是新鮮事;只是布林肯取巧在解釋上打了個擦邊球而已。

想想美國對中共的短中期需求,再看看美國當前若干作法與放話方式、內容和情境,或許美國昆西(Quincy)研究所東亞中心主任史文(M Swaine)的說法是對的:美中台三方間,雖不致有立即的危機,但美國的一中政策,的確是出現了令人擔憂的腐蝕現象。
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