Tone Shifts in Head-of-State Diplomacy Due to Policy Blunders

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 24 March 2023
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
Commentary, Office of the Editor-in-Chief, China Times

Speaking in Taipei on March 20, former American Institute in Taiwan Chairman Richard C. Bush warned that, “It will be of no benefit to Taiwan if China-U.S. relations continue to deteriorate,”* and that Taiwanese politicians must be neither complacent, nor tolerate stalemate, nor even run the risk of making serious policy mistakes. Widely respected for his professionalism, neutrality, and objectivity, and based on his support and affection for Taiwan, Bush faithfully exposed the harsh reality of the multiple crises Taiwan is facing in its external relations. Unfortunately, the Tsai Ing-wen administration would rather remain safe in its echo chamber, incapable of tolerating differences of opinion.

Official Visit for President Tsai Ing-wen, Trouble Brewing for Taiwan-Honduras Relations

Taiwan represents one of the main sticking points in the deterioration of China-U.S. relations, as the island is the focus of strategic competition between these two superpowers and a hotspot for potential military conflict. It is widely acknowledged that the risk of war in the Taiwan Strait has risen in lockstep with the spiraling of hostilities between the U.S. and China, but Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party naively believes that as long as it echoes U.S. anti-China strategy, the U.S. will strengthen Taiwan’s defense forces, enhance bilateral relations, and even send troops to defend Taiwan. Little do they realize that American and Taiwanese interests and objectives are not aligned, as there are significant uncertainties as to whether the U.S. can fully ensure Taiwan’s security. Bush hits the nail on the head when he states that the DPP’s “serious policy mistakes”* have led to a crisis in Taiwan’s democracy.

Tsai’s “Meeting Democratic Partners, Fostering Shared Prosperity” tour, expected to begin with a visit to Central American partners Guatemala and Belize on Mar. 29 and include stopovers in New York and Los Angeles, is a reflection of the deviations from current foreign policy objectives and the dysfunctions of the diplomatic system. Head-of-state diplomacy is the highest level of diplomatic action and should be carefully assessed, planned, and arranged to achieve the multiple goals of consolidating friendships and deepening bilateral ties between the U.S. and Taiwan, all in one go. But before Tsai had even departed, the bombshell news dropped that Honduras would be establishing diplomatic relations with the Chinese Communist Party.

Guided by policy blunders and illusory goals, Tsai has deliberately been attempting to create a so-called diplomatic breakthrough by meeting with Speaker of the House of Representatives Kevin McCarthy, who represents the anti-China forces in the U.S. Her efforts are symbolic at best, however, and the immediate effect has been to pay a painful price, revealing the lack of crisis awareness of the Tsai administration’s national security team, its misjudgment of the situation, and its inability to manage risk.

It is reported that Honduran Foreign Minister Eduardo Enrique Reyna has left for Beijing, and that our Foreign Ministry has recalled its ambassador to Honduras. If the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Honduras is finalized, the Tsai administration will have succeeded in cutting off diplomatic relations with nine friendly nations in fewer than seven years of rule, leaving only 13 diplomatic partners. A repeat occurrence of such a domino effect will spell the total defeat of Taiwan’s efforts to defend its diplomatic relations. That said, apart from condemning the CCP for its checkbook diplomacy and its diplomatic partners for choosing profit over principle, there is little the Tsai administration can do.

The cross-strait diplomatic offence and defense this time is different from the past. The U.S. has taken the initiative to join hands with Taiwan against China, and the tug-of-war on all sides has been brought to the forefront. The timing of the break in diplomatic relations between Taiwan and Honduras is likely to come at the most sensitive period of Tsai’s visit, and legislators are deeply concerned that, more than just a diplomatic issue, this is becoming a national security problem. Taiwanese Foreign Minister Wu Chao-hsieh has responded that the government has repeatedly rehearsed the situation and has a contingency mechanism in place, but Tsai’s visit has already lost its focus, having shifted from head-of-state diplomacy to a risk-laden crisis trip, barely concealing the serious lack of decision-making caused by incorrect guidance policies.

DPP Should Heed Bush’s Advice

In American academia and public opinion, a serious review is underway of the fact that current thinking among the U.S. diplomatic elite is still stuck in the era of American dominance. The consensus of extreme anti-China ideology has given rise to groupthink, according to which China poses an existential threat to the U.S. and the world order, China-U.S. military conflict is inevitable, and foreign policy has lost its resilience. In its foreign relations, the DPP has fallen prey to a similar fallacy, as adhering to the idea of resisting China to protect Taiwan and cozying up to the U.S. while being anti-China is inherently wrong. And now, we are blindly echoing the rigid, zero-sum, anti-China strategy of the U.S., and this will only serve to make Taiwan’s diplomatic situation even more precarious.

The DPP government has fully bought into American “deterrence theory,” believing that under the aegis of the U.S., comprehensive strengthening armaments and increasing asymmetric warfare capabilities can be effective in warding off a CCP invasion. But the reunification of Taiwan is not a purely military issue; the deciding factor is whether Taiwan declares independence, or whether it moves toward a permanent separation from China. While agreeing that Taiwan must build a stronger military force to avoid war, Bush emphasized that “the cross-strait issue is not about choosing between engagement or deterrence, but about how to balance and integrate the two,”* making it clear that Taiwan must adopt a pragmatic, middle-of-the-road approach.

As a long-time participant in and observer of Taiwan’s affairs, Bush argued with feeling that “A divided Taiwanese society will make itself even more fragile in the international arena.”* This is precisely the consequence of the DPP creating internal confrontation and fear in Taiwan. Since the DPP’s return to power, anyone who advocates cross-strait contact is labelled a “pro-China sellout,” and anyone who questions American policy toward Taiwan is labelled as suspicious of the U.S. and anti-American, leaving no room for rational and objective debate on foreign and cross-strait policies.

On March 21, Tsai met separately with Bush and Robert O’Brien, the former U.S. national security advisor, at the Presidential Office Building. For Bush, the presidential palace merely issued a simple press release and photos after the event. Compare that with O’Brien, an anti-China and high-ranking official of the Trump administration and the Republican Party, upon whom Tsai not only conferred the Order of Brilliant Star with Special Grand Cordon with great fanfare, but who also broadcast the whole process live. Such a stark contrast reflects the narrow vision and style of the DPP.

*Editor’s note: While accurately translated, this quote could not be sourced.


20:34, 2023/03/24

言論 主筆室

美國在台協會前主席卜睿哲20日在台北警告,「如果美中關係繼續惡化,台灣不會從中受益」,台灣政治人物們不能自滿、容忍僵局、甚或甘犯嚴重的政策錯誤風險。卜睿哲的專業、中立、客觀普受各界尊重,基於對台灣的支持與感情,他忠實揭露台灣對外關係面對「多重危機」的殘酷現實,可惜的是,蔡英文政府寧願與「同溫層」取暖,無法見容不同意見。

蔡總統出訪 台宏關係生變

美中關係惡化的主要癥結之一就在於台灣,台灣是美中戰略競爭的焦點,潛在軍事衝突的熱點,全球普遍認知美中敵意螺旋升高,台海戰爭風險隨之上升,惟民進黨天真地以為,只要附和美國抗中戰略,美國會強化台灣防衛力量,提升雙邊關係,甚至出兵防衛台灣。殊不知美台利益與目標並不一致,美國是否能充分確保台灣安全也存在重大變數,卜睿哲一針見血點破,民進黨執政的「嚴重錯誤政策風險」導致台灣外交陷入危機。

蔡英文總統的「民主夥伴共榮之旅」,預計自29日起出訪中美洲友邦瓜地馬拉與貝里斯,並過境美國紐約與洛杉磯,就是當前外交政策目標偏失,外交系統失能的寫照。元首外交是最高階的外交行動,理應經過精心評估、策畫、安排,一舉達成鞏固邦誼,深化美台雙邊關係的多重目標,但蔡總統尚未出發卻先引爆宏都拉斯宣布將與中共建交的超級震撼彈。

在錯誤政策與虛幻目標引導下,蔡英文處心積慮要與代表美國反中勢力的眾議院議長麥卡錫會面,企圖營造所謂的「外交突破」,但充其量也只有象徵意義,立即效應卻是先付出慘痛代價,暴露出蔡政府的國安團隊缺乏危機意識、誤判形勢,更無能力管控風險。

據報導,宏都拉斯外長雷伊納已啟程前往北京,我外交部也召回駐宏國大使,中宏建交若成定局,蔡政府執政不到7年就有9個友邦斷交,只剩下寥寥13個邦交國,若再發生「骨牌效應」,台灣維護邦交國的努力將是全盤潰敗,但除了譴責中共金錢外交、邦交國見利忘義之外,蔡政府束手無策。

這次兩岸的外交攻防不同於過去,美方主動跳出,與台灣聯手抗中,各方角力過程赤裸裸搬上檯面,台宏斷交時間點有可能落在最敏感的蔡英文出訪期間,立法委員就高度關切這不只是外交議題,也成為國安問題。外交部長吳釗燮回應,政府多次沙盤推演,也有緊急應變機制,但蔡英文這次出訪焦點已被模糊,元首外交變調為充滿風險的危機之旅,一切都難掩飾錯誤的指導政策導致決策的嚴重缺失。

卜睿哲忠言 民進黨要傾聽

美國學術界與輿論界已開始嚴肅檢討,當前美國外交菁英思維仍停留在美國唯我獨尊時代,而極端反中意識的共識下又形成了「團體迷思」,認定中國對美國及世界秩序已構成「生存威脅」,美中軍事衝突難以避免,外交政策喪失彈性。民進黨的對外關係也陷入類似謬誤,堅持抗中保台、親美反中路線本身就存在錯誤,現在又盲目附和美國僵硬、零和的反中戰略,只會使台灣外交處境更形危殆。

民進黨政府全盤接受了美國的「威懾論」,以為在美國保護傘下,全面加強軍備,提高不對稱作戰能力就可有效嚇阻中共入侵,但統一台灣不是純軍事問題,決定因素在台灣是否宣布獨立,或走向永遠與中國分離。雖然贊同為了避免戰爭,台灣必須建構更強的軍事力量,但卜睿哲更強調,「兩岸問題不在於選擇接觸或威懾,而是在於如何平衡、整合兩者」,明確指出台灣必須採取務實、中間路線。

長期參與、觀察台灣事務的卜睿哲有感而發地表示:「分裂的台灣社會將使自身國際處境更加脆弱」,這正是民進黨製造台灣內部對立、恐懼的後果。民進黨再度執政後,凡主張兩岸接觸者就被扣上「親中賣台」紅帽子,質疑美國對台政策就被貼上疑美、反美標籤,外交及兩岸政策已經沒有理性、客觀辯論的空間。

蔡英文21日在總統府分別接見了卜睿哲與美國前國家安全顧問歐布萊恩,關於卜睿哲部分,總統府只是事後發布簡單新聞稿與照片,而歐布萊恩是川普政府及共和黨保守勢力的反中大將,蔡英文不但大張旗鼓頒贈特種大綬景星勳章,並全程直播,如此強烈的對比正反映了民進黨的狹隘視野與作風。
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