Kissinger: A Century-Old Evil

Published in La Jornada
(Mexico) on 28 May 2023
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Patricia Simoni. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
Yesterday Henry Kissinger, the most important strategist and ideologue of U.S. imperialism since World War II, celebrated his 100th birthday.

If the world were governed by justice, the multiple crimes against humanity perpetrated under his orders or because of his advice would have found him behind bars for this birthday. Yet, in the global order that he helped to build — one of aircraft carriers, military bases, bombers, drones and the missiles of Washington — he was able to celebrate his centennial birthday with tribute and praise from the establishment for which he worked tirelessly.

Diplomat, academic, politician and, for the last half century, a private consultant, Kissinger is a man who, beyond ethical considerations, has had success and made errors in pursuing his everlasting goal of preserving U.S. hegemony: his quite unique vision of democracy and freedom.

But the impact of his decisions, his ongoing influence in the highest circles of political, military and economic power — coupled with the absolute absence of doubt or remorse with which he defended Washington's alleged right to invoke its interests to intervene in any corner of the planet — made him a symbol that transcends and will survive him. It is the symbol of American exceptionalism: the foundational belief that the U.S. holds an intrinsic and timeless moral authority to dictate to the rest of the world the way it should conduct its affairs, as well as the moral authority to use unlimited violence against any country attempting to live on its own terms.

This questionable Nobel Peace Prize winner embodies — perhaps more than anyone else — the spirit of the times, an era in which illegal CIA operations and "the free market" have been two sides of the same coin. Local and global oligarchies have perverted the meaning of democracy, equating it with a technocratic plutocracy in which mandates of powerful capitalists are validated by academicians who place class loyalties before scientific rigor.

Like many brilliant careers, Kissinger's is filled with paradox. His rise as a leading hawk came hand-in-hand with his uncompromising promotion of U.S. intervention in Vietnam, the greatest geopolitical disaster and the most indelible military humiliation suffered by the superpower. One of its most resounding and celebrated successes, the rapprochement with Beijing to isolate the Soviet Union, came at a time when the West feared that socialism would grow internationally. It was ultimately seen as an error of judgment that triggered consequences for which Washington does not seem to have an answer. Indeed, after integrating into the world market, China threatens to put an end to U.S. economic preeminence, a danger never threatened by the Soviet Union.

In retrospect, perhaps his most complete and enduring triumph was the destruction of Chile. By backing and organizing the Chilean oligarchy that assassinated President Salvador Allende and imposed the bloodthirsty dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, Kissinger not only irrevocably crushed — to this day — the hope of bringing solidarity and justice to the southern country. Rather, these events provided the right wing with a "laboratory" in which to test the formulas of dispossession and extreme dehumanization that we know as neoliberalism.

In view of this anniversary, one can only hope that nations find ways to resolve their differences through dialogue, and that in the future there will be no new Kissingers; that advising governments on the most effective methods to annihilate human beings will not be a profession, much less a lucrative and celebrated one.


Ayer cumplió 100 años Henry Kissinger, el más importante estratega e ideólogo del imperialismo estadunidense desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En un mundo regido por la justicia, los múltiples crímenes de lesa humanidad perpetrados bajo sus órdenes o su consejo le habrían hecho pasar el onomástico tras las rejas, pero en el orden global que él ayudó a construir, sometido a los portaaviones, las bases militares, los bombarderos, los drones y los misiles de Washington, pudo celebrar su siglo de vida entre homenajes y elogios del establishment para el que trabajó de manera incansable.

Diplomático, académico, político y durante el último medio siglo consultor privado, Kissinger es un hombre que, más allá de los juicios éticos, ha tenido errores y aciertos en su sempiterno objetivo de preservar la hegemonía estadunidense y su muy particular visión de la democracia y la libertad. Pero el impacto de sus decisiones; su persistente influencia en los círculos más altos del poder político, militar y económico; junto a la absoluta ausencia de dudas o remordimientos con que defendió el pretendido derecho de Washington a invocar sus intereses para intervenir en cualquier rincón del planeta, hicieron de él un símbolo que trasciende y sobrevivirá a su persona. Se trata del símbolo de la excepcionalidad estadunidense, la creencia fundamentalista de que Estados Unidos es portador de una autoridad moral intrínseca y atemporal para dictar al resto del mundo la manera en que debe conducir sus asuntos, así como para usar una violencia ilimitada contra todo país que intente vivir bajo sus propios términos.
El equívoco Nobel de la Paz encarna como pocos, acaso nadie, el espíritu de los tiempos, de una época en que las operaciones ilegales de la CIA y “el libre mercado” han sido dos caras de una misma moneda; en que las oligarquías locales y globales pervirtieron el sentido de la democracia para equipararla con una plutocracia tecnocrática en que los mandatos de los grandes capitalistas son validados por una casta académica que antepone las lealtades de clase al rigor científico.
Como muchas carreras brillantes, la de Kissinger está plena de paradojas. Su ascenso como halcón de primera fila llegó de la mano de su intransigente fomento de la intervención estadunidense en Vietnam, el mayor desastre geopolítico y la más imborrable humillación militar sufrida por la superpotencia. Uno de sus más sonoros y celebrados éxitos, el acercamiento con Pekín para aislar a la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) en momentos en que Occidente temía un crecimiento internacional del socialismo, se reveló a la larga como un error de juicio que desencadenó consecuencias para las cuales Washington no parece tener respuesta. En efecto, tras integrarse al mercado mundial, China amenaza con poner fin a la preminencia económica estadunidense, un peligro que la URSS nunca proyectó.
En retrospectiva, quizá su más completo y perdurable triunfo fue la destrucción de Chile. Al respaldar y organizar a la oligarquía chilena que asesinó al presidente Salvador Allende e impuso la sanguinaria dictadura de Augusto Pinochet, Kissinger no sólo aplastó de manera hasta hoy irrevocable la esperanza de llevar la solidaridad y la justicia al país austral, sino que dotó a las derechas de un “laboratorio” donde probar las fórmulas de despojo y deshumanización extrema que conocemos como neoliberalismo.
Ante este aniversario, sólo cabe desear que los estados encuentren las vías para resolver sus diferendos mediante el diálogo y que en el futuro no haya nuevos Kissinger; que aconsejar a los gobernantes sobre los métodos más eficaces para aniquilar seres humanos no sea una profesión, y mucho menos una lucrativa y celebrada.
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