Both Domestic and Global Remedies Needed for the US Fentanyl Crisis

Published in Global Times
(China) on 12 June 2023
by Han Fei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Andrew Engler . Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
ILast August, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs suspended China’s cooperation in anti-drug efforts with the U.S. This action was taken in response to Nancy Pelosi's trip to Taiwan. Chinese and American scholars have long believed that drug cooperation serves as a barometer of U.S.-China bilateral geopolitical relations, and when the U.S. does not respect China’s key national interests, this cooperation is seriously impaired. The U.S. is the driving force behind worsening relations, and it will bear the brunt of the damage caused by suspending drug cooperation.

First, it is unlikely the U.S. will be able to solve the fentanyl crisis enveloping the country within the decade. This crisis accounted for 60% of the record 107,000 overdose deaths in 2021. Overdose fatalities are projected to increase until 2025, resulting in an estimated loss of 543,000 to 842,000 lives between 2020 and 2032, according to predictions in collaborative research by Harvard Medical School, UCLA, and the USDA’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research.

Second, the U.S. cannot go it alone. A resolution critically needs multilateral cooperation. Fentanyl has been replacing heroin because it is cheaper, more potent, and easier to traffic and distribute. Illicitly manufactured fentanyl will continue to spread to more states and districts. Illicit fentanyl manufacturers are embracing new strategies that will fuel the proliferation of synthetic opioids, according to reports. The manufacturers are anonymously attracting online customers with lower prices and designer drugs. Transactions are conducted in digital currency to circumvent detection and legal penalties.

Finally, the U.S. National Drug Control Strategy relies heavily on research by medical practitioners and think tanks, but there isn’t any smooth process to implement findings. Moreover, the past decade has been lost to the discontinuation of drug policies from administration to administration, and now fentanyl is everywhere. Since there currently is no accurate, comprehensive system for drug data monitoring, the federal government relies heavily on think tanks such as the RAND Corporation and the Brookings Institution, which primarily depend on secondary data, literature reviews, transnational cases and interviews with informants. Because the think tanks do not command a strong understanding of how to track precursor chemicals, anonymous e-commerce networks, and money laundering activities, they seek help from other countries. However, the U.S. suspects that other countries frame false narratives to protect themselves and so the information cannot be used in finding a substantive solution to the drug problem. Buzzwords like “cooperation” in the national strategy amount to nothing more than empty talk.

The Biden administration's National Drug Control Strategy aims to assist agencies such as the U.S Customs and Border Protection and the Drug Enforcement Administration prioritize targeted measures against transnational drug crime while strengthening bilateral and multilateral cooperation abroad. However, when Washington destroys relations with other countries, it becomes impossible for these U.S. agencies to smoothly cooperate with their foreign counterparts, undermining any national strategy.

Americans widely acknowledge that the fentanyl and synthetic opioids crisis as a significant issue that encompasses drug control, homeland security and cybercrime, necessitating both domestic and global solutions.

First, the United States needs to address its numerous domestic concerns. One such concern involves the involvement of physicians and pharmaceutical companies in fueling opioid abuse. Entities like Purdue Pharmaceuticals have historically concealed the addictive properties of opioids, employed aggressive marketing strategies, and offered financial incentives to doctors for prescribing opioids.

Second, it is crucial for the U.S. to reinforce international cooperation in combating drug-related issues within the United Nations framework. The global trade of illicit fentanyl is characterized by significant uncertainties. When the Taliban returned to power upon the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, it announced a ban on cultivating poppies. However, fentanyl is a synthetic opioid, so production does not rely on plants or fields, and accordingly, the it is necessary to continue monitoring activities in Afghanistan, which obviously requires the active participation of Afghanistan’s neighbors.

Third, it is critical to strengthen transnational drug control while respecting national sovereignty. The U.S. should enhance drug control cooperation with countries such as Mexico, Colombia, Canada, India and China. However, it is important to note that there are variations in drug control agendas and geopolitical concerns across different regions, which poses significant challenges to cooperation efforts in every country.

If the U.S. seeks international assistance to resolve the drug problem, it must demonstrate respect for the vital interests of other countries, including China. This is the path to enduring, stable and sustainable collaboration in drug control.

The author is a Young Investigator at the International Center for Drug Control Policy Studies at Shanghai University.


美国应对“芬太尼”危机要内外兼修

2022年8月,作为针对美国国会众议长佩洛西窜台的反制措施之一,中国外交部宣布暂停中美禁毒合作。长期以来,中美学术界很多人把禁毒合作视为中美双边地缘政治关系的“晴雨表”之一。当美国不尊重中国国家利益核心的核心之时,禁毒领域的双边合作势必受到严重影响。其主要责任在美,最大伤害也在美,暂停双边禁毒合作对美国的负面影响更大。

首先,美国近年来的毒情形势严峻,正处于主要由芬太尼导致的药物过量死亡的阴霾之中,而且“芬太尼危机”未来5-10年内难以解除。2021年美国因过量用药导致死亡的人数达10.7万,创造历史最高纪录,其中六成以上与阿片类药物芬太尼有关。然而,2022年5月,由哈佛大学医学院、加州大学洛杉矶分校以及美国食品药品监督管理局药物评价与研究中心的合作者联合开发、发布的动态定量模型表明,全美药物过量死亡的高峰尚未到来,预测2025年该数据将达到峰值。在最“乐观”的情况下,药物过量服用在2020-2032年将造成全美54.3万人死亡;最“悲观”的情况下,这一数值将达到84.2万人。

其次,美国独木难撑,迫切需要通过多边合作寻求解决之道。因为更便宜、效力更高、贩运与分销方式更隐蔽,芬太尼已经在一些地区取代了海洛因,而非作为后者的掺入物。非法制造的芬太尼将在美国境内长期存在,并蔓延到更多的州和地区。此前有报告预测,芬太尼的非法制造商的策略转向将驱动合成阿片类药物的泛滥式传播,他们倾向于合成更新颖的毒品,通过网络途径招揽买家,以更低的价格,通过匿名身份和虚拟货币完成交易,以规避所在国家的毒品检测系统和法律惩罚。

最后,美国的毒品政策或“国家药物战略”严重依赖毒品智库、临床医学界的调查研究,但如何贯彻成为难题。而且美国历届政府在毒品政策上的摇摆浪费了长达十年的干预窗口期,当前“非法芬太尼到处都是”。由于迄今尚未建立准确、有效、全面的毒情数据监测系统,联邦部门的芬太尼报告严重依赖于兰德公司、布鲁金斯学会等智库的研究结果,而后者又主要依靠“二手数据、文献综述、跨国案例、线人访谈”等等,对前体化学品的追踪、匿名电子商务网络、金融洗钱犯罪活动并不十分掌握,这些研究言必称他国,颇有栽赃之嫌,对毒品问题的实质性解决并无益处。拜登政府的“国家药物战略”计划旨在帮助海关和边境保护局、缉毒署等机构优先对跨国毒品犯罪采取针对性措施,同时加强与其他国家的双边、多边合作。然而,正如前文所言,当华盛顿破坏了双边或多边关系,这些部门亦无法顺畅地与国外同行开展合作,相关的“国家战略”难免沦为空谈。

总的说来,美国许多有识之士已经认识到主要由芬太尼导致的合成阿片类药物危机已然是美国的一大难题,几乎涵盖禁毒、国土安全、网络犯罪等所有领域,其应对需要“内外兼修”。

第一,美国应从其国内诸多内政问题入手。比如,美国国内存在导致阿片类药物滥用的医药公司-医生利益共同体。普渡制药等公司长期隐瞒阿片药物的成瘾性、采取过激的营销手段、以现金的形式鼓励医生开具处方,直接造成了阿片类药物的大范围滥用。

第二,美国应在联合国毒品治理的组织框架之下,加强国际禁毒合作。全球非法芬太尼供应市场尚存在较大的不确定高风险因素。美国于2021年从阿富汗撤军,重新掌权的塔利班政府宣称将禁种罂粟。然而,非法芬太尼的生产并不依赖植物或田地,故未来若干年必须关注阿富汗地区的芬太尼非法合成活动。显然,这需要阿富汗周边国家的积极参与。

第三,加强跨国禁毒合作的关键在于尊重各国主权。美国应加强与墨西哥、哥伦比亚、加拿大以及印度、中国等多国的禁毒合作。然而,跨国禁毒议程与不同地区地缘政治问题的交叉点有所不同,因此,跨国禁毒合作在每个国家和地区都面临着较大挑战。

得道者多助,失道者寡助。走出毒品困境,美国必然需要国际的合作,但是只有真正尊重其他国家的核心国家利益,才有望获得包括中国在内的其他国家的信任,实现在禁毒领域的长期、稳定、具有可持续性的合作。(作者是上海大学国际禁毒政策研究中心青年研究员)

This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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