Trump Dominant among Republicans

Published in El Heraldo de Mexico
(Mexico) on 24 August 2023
by José Carreño Figueras (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Stephen Routledge. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
Rarely in American political history has it happened that a declared candidate has had so much control of his party and even more rarely, that his dominance goes beyond the election cycle and becomes a cult of personality, as it has now.

With an absent Donald Trump at center stage, present at an interview broadcast at the same time on another media channel, the other eight aspirants to the Republican presidential candidacy took part in a debate that seemed delusional even before it began.

For months now, Trump has had more than 50% approval among Republicans, while his competitors seek to present themselves, not as alternatives, but as supporters and even amplifiers of his populist, socially conservative, trade-protectionist and politically and economically isolationist proposals.

Rarely in U.S. political history has it happened that a declared candidate has had so much control of his party and even more rarely, that his dominance goes beyond the election cycle and becomes a cult of personality, as it has now.

Ronald Reagan, president of the United States from 1980 to 1988, was so popular that there were those who promoted naming at least one landmark — street, hill, park, dam or building — after him in each of the 3,143 counties (municipalities) of the country.

I am, frankly, unaware of whether they achieved their intention, but Reagan's leadership, conservative as it was, had traits of optimism and, above all, confidence in the future.

All in all, some historians point out that it was Reagan, in his quest to strengthen his party, who rekindled the fires of racism and division now harnessed by Trump.

Trump's leadership seems more based on the phobias and resentments of a sector of the American population, especially those who feel "victimized" by the government and its policies, imposed by the “elites.”

The former president has become a banner for the Republicans, and the judicial proceedings against him have so far served to confirm his credentials as the leader of a movement to make America "great again."

The problem is that the greatness he speaks of never existed in reality, beyond the movies and TV shows that presented idealized and exaggerated images of its society and its strength. In this society, Blacks, Latinos, Asians and migrants did not appear, and if they did, it was as servants or villains.

But that nostalgia is what Trump sells, or tries to sell, to Americans, and it gives him his current dominance among Republicans who, in recent years, have incorporated into their ranks far-right militants represented by racist, nationalist and ultra-conservative Christian groups that favor Trump's authoritarian style.

Overall, Republicans represent an estimated one-third of U.S. voters, giving the former president a strong electoral base.

Worse, some among them have expressed a willingness to commit violent acts in defense of Trump and what he stands for, despite the fact that the prosecutions against him are real and the charges against Trump and his allies involve real crimes.


Pocas veces ha ocurrido, en la historia política estadounidense, que un precandidato presidencial tuviera tanto control de su partido y aún más raro que su dominio vaya más allá del ciclo electoral y se convierta en un culto a la personalidad, como ahora

Con un ausente Donald Trump en el centro del escenario y presente en una entrevista transmitida paralelamente por otro canal de comunicación, los otros ocho aspirantes a la candidatura presidencial republicana realizaron un debate que antes de comenzar ya parecía delusional.

Trump ha tenido por meses más de 50% de aprobación entre los republicanos, al tiempo que sus competidores buscan presentarse no como alternativas sino como continuadores y hasta amplificadores de sus propuestas populistas, socialmente conservadoras, proteccionistas en lo comercial, aislacionistas política y económicamente.

Pocas veces ha ocurrido, en la historia política estadounidense, que un precandidato presidencial tuviera tanto control de su partido y aún más raro que su dominio vaya más allá del ciclo electoral y se convierta en un culto a la personalidad, como ahora.

Ronald Reagan, presidente de los Estados Unidos de 1980 a 1988, fue tan popular que hubo quienes promovieron poner su nombre en al menos un punto referente –calle, colina, parque, presa o edificio– de cada uno de los 3,143 condados (municipios) del país.

Ignoro francamente si lograron su intención, pero el liderazgo de Reagan, conservador como fue, tuvo rasgos de optimismo y, sobre todo, confianza en el futuro.
Con todo, algunos historiadores señalan que fue Reagan, en su búsqueda de fortalecer a su partido, quien reavivó los fuegos del racismo y la división aprovechados ahora por Trump.

El liderazgo de Trump parece más basado en las fobias y los resentimientos de un sector de la población estadounidense, en especial de aquellos que se sienten "víctimas" del gobierno y sus políticas, impuestas por las élites.

El exmandatario se ha convertido en una bandera para los republicanos, y los procesos judiciales en su contra, hasta ahora, han servido para confirmar sus credenciales como líder de un movimiento para hacer a los Estados Unidos "grandes de nuevo".

El problema es que la grandeza de la que habla nunca existió, en realidad, más allá de películas y programas de televisión que presentaban imágenes idealizadas y exageradas de su sociedad y su fuerza. Y en ella negros, latinos, asiaticos y migrantes no aparecían, y si lo hacían era como sirvientes o villanos.

Pero esa nostalgia es la que Trump vende o trata de vender a los estadounidenses y le otorga su actual dominio entre los republicanos, que en los últimos años incorporaron a sus filas a militantes de extrema derecha representados por grupos racistas, nacionalistas y cristianos ultraconservadores que favorecen el estilo autoritario de Trump.

En general, se estima que los republicanos representan a un tercio de los votantes estadounidenses, lo que ofrece al expresidente una fuerte base electoral.

Peor aún, algunos entre ellos han expresado su disposición a cometer actos violentos en defensa de Trump y lo que representa, pese a que los procesos judiciales en su contra son reales y las acusaciones contra Trump y sus aliados cubren delitos verdaderos.
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