Japan, the US and Europe Must Maintain a Confrontational Stance toward Russia and the Ukraine Situation

Published in Sanin Chuo Shimpu
(Japan) on 13 January 2024
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dorothy Phoenix. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
This year, 2024, will likely become a harsh one for Ukraine in its fight against Russian aggression. An expected counteroffensive was a failure, and the U.S. and various countries in Europe are hesitant to continue large-scale military and economic support to Ukraine. The U.S. and Europe must not forsake Ukraine due to “support fatigue,” nor foist upon Ukraine a “peace” that would in reality be a surrender to Russia. If leaders regress to a “policy of appeasement,” making concessions to Russia, it will play into the hands of Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is certain to win the presidential election in March.

Remembering the lessons from the past when the U.K. conceded to Nazi Germany's demands for territorial expansion, which led to World War II, the U.S., Europe and Japan must continue to support Ukraine and stick with economic sanctions toward Russia.

At the end of last year, the Russian military executed aerial bombing against all of Ukraine, and since the start of this year, it has continued to attack.

Due to the stagnation of support from the U.S. and Europe, Ukraine is suffering from a shortage of shells, and Russia has the advantage in the concentrated production of weapons and artillery. In order to keep Russia from becoming victorious, the U.S. and Europe will continue supporting Ukraine, but a reduction in scale is unavoidable. In 2024, Ukraine will likely be pressed to focus on defense.

At the end of December, influential U.S. media sources were reporting that Putin conveyed his willingness for a cease-fire on condition that the agreement would “leave Russia in control of the nearly 20% of Ukrainian territory it has already conquered." Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who is working to regain all Ukrainian territory, is not expected to reply to such a condition.

Russia is implying a flexible position on what is essentially a request for Ukraine's total surrender because it is aware that some voices from within Ukraine, the U.S. and Europe are suggesting “that a solution could be for Ukraine to give up territory” as part of peace negotiations.

As we head toward the November presidential elections there have been whispers that Republican candidate Donald Trump, who takes a negative position toward supporting Ukraine, could possibly make a comeback, and Putin is anticipating that eventually the U.S. and Europe will press Ukraine to make concessions to Russia.

But the U.S., Europe and Japan must assume that Russia's demand for expansion will not stop with Ukraine. Putin, who embarked on the invasion based on the claim that “Ukraine was part of the Russian Empire,” adheres to the dangerous belief that he must “return (Russian) land.” There is a reason why Biden warned that “If Putin takes Ukraine, he won’t stop there” and that he could “attack a NATO ally.”

Putin, who assumed the presidency in 2000, used the Russian secret police, his former base of employment, to suppress the opposition party and independent media, thus consolidating his own political power. He completed the establishment of a dictatorial system via a constitutional amendment in the summer of 2020, making it possible for him to retain his post for two more 12-year terms.

The Russian regime completely controls the elections, so it is certain that in March the outcome will be that Putin will continue on to serve a fifth term. However, in the U.S. and Europe, many voices question the validity of the Russian elections, and from now on, the focus will likely be on whether to recognize Putin's presidency as legitimate.

The U.S. and Europe have continued to pursue an appeasement policy in order to avoid provoking Russia, a nuclear power. Japan, which has prioritized negotiations over the southern Kuril Islands, has done the same. Because there was no strict response to Russia’s military interventions in former Soviet states, such as the 2008 conflict with Georgia, the 2014 annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in southern Ukraine and others, Putin became cocky, and that has become a factor in the current invasion of Ukraine. Japan, the U.S., and Europe must not repeat their mistakes, and should adhere to a resolute confrontational stance toward Putin, who initiated the war of aggression against Ukraine.


論説 ウクライナ情勢とロシア 日米欧は対決姿勢貫け

ロシアの侵略と戦うウクライナにとって、2024年は厳しい年になるだろう。期待された反転攻勢が失敗し、米欧諸国はウクライナへの大規模な軍事・経済支援継続にちゅうちょしている。米欧は「支援疲れ」からウクライナを見捨て、ロシアへの事実上の降伏となる「和平」を押し付けてはならない。ロシアに譲歩する「宥和(ゆうわ)政策」に逆戻りすれば、3月の大統領選で勝利が確実のプーチン大統領の思うつぼだ。

 かつて英国がナチス・ドイツの領土拡大要求に譲歩し、結果として第2次大戦を招いた教訓を忘れず、米欧と日本はウクライナ支援と対ロ経済制裁を堅持すべきだ。

 昨年末にロシア軍はウクライナ全土を空爆し、年明け以降も攻撃を続けている。米欧の支援停滞でウクライナ軍は砲弾不足に苦しんでおり、兵器、弾薬を集中的に生産するロシアは優位にある。ロシアを勝利させないため米欧はウクライナ支援を継続するが、規模の縮小は避けられない。24年にウクライナは防衛専念を迫られそうだ。

 12月末に一部の米有力メディアが「プーチン氏が現在占領するウクライナ領土約2割を維持することを条件に、停戦の用意を伝えてきている」と報じた。全領土の奪還を掲げるウクライナのゼレンスキー大統領が応じるはずがない。

 ロシアがウクライナに事実上の全面降伏を求める裏で柔軟な姿勢も示唆するのは、「領土を犠牲にしてもロシアと和平交渉に臨むべきだ」との声がウクライナ国内や米欧で出ていることを意識しているからだ。

 11月の米大統領選に向け、ウクライナ支援に後ろ向きな共和党のトランプ前大統領返り咲きの可能性がささやかれており、プーチン氏は、米欧がいずれウクライナにロシアへの譲歩を迫ると見越しているようだ。

 だが米欧や日本は、ロシアの領土拡張要求がウクライナだけで終わらない事態を想定しておくべきだ。

 「ウクライナは元々ロシア領土だ」と主張し侵略に踏み切ったプーチン氏は、「ロシアの歴史的版図の回復」という危険思想の信奉者だ。「次は(旧ソ連領だった)バルト3国」との懸念がくすぶる。「プーチン氏がウクライナに勝てば、次は北大西洋条約機構(NATO)加盟国を襲う」とのバイデン米大統領の警告には理由がある。

 2000年に大統領に就任したプーチン氏は、出身母体の秘密警察を使って野党や独立メディアを弾圧、自らに権力を集中させた。20年夏の憲法改正で独裁体制を完成させ、さらに2期12年の続投を可能にした。

 ロシアの選挙は体制が完全に統制しており、3月にプーチン氏の通算5期目の続投が決まるのは確実だ。ただ、米欧にはロシア大統領選の合法性を疑問視する声があり、今後、プーチン大統領の正統性を認めるかどうかが焦点となろう。

 米欧は核大国ロシアを刺激しないよう宥和政策を取り続けた。北方領土交渉を優先した日本も同じだ。08年のグルジア紛争、14年のウクライナ南部クリミア半島の併合など、ロシアの旧ソ連諸国への軍事介入に厳しく対応せずにプーチン氏をつけ上がらせ、ウクライナ侵攻の一因となった。日米欧は同じ過ちを繰り返すことなく、ウクライナ侵略戦争を仕掛けたプーチン氏への毅然(きぜん)とした対決姿勢を貫くべきだ。
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