US Pursues Decoupling; China Should Do the Opposite

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 11 June 2024
by Geng Xin (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jo Sharp. Edited by Patricia Simoni.

 

 

Mao Zedong said, “We should support whatever the enemy opposes and oppose whatever the enemy supports,” and “We will not attack unless we are attacked; if we are attacked, we will certainly counter-attack." Mao’s remarks are highly relevant in the current game between China and the U.S. (including cross-strait relations.)

A century of change has seen growing turmoil and conflict that continue to grow more complex and intense in the international arena. For a variety of reasons, the United States, in particular, is now tending toward polarization and confrontation in both its domestic and foreign policies, directed not only at China, but as an issue of "cultural decoupling.”

There has been considerable recent research into pathological behavior by the United States, especially its decoupling from China in various fields (or "de-Sinicization") as well as the complex background and root causes of these actions. Here, I want to share some basic thoughts on how China should respond to "decoupling" (especially "cultural decoupling") by the United States.

First, both sides need to adjust their basic strategic perception. As the largest developing and developed countries in the world today, China and the United States are also the largest socialist and capitalist countries, and they are also the largest representative countries of Eastern and Western civilization. China and the U.S. inevitably have cultural differences, contradictions and disagreements. Recently, America’s misconceptions about China have exacerbated these complexities, making “cultural” decoupling more likely than decoupling in trade, science and technology because it is more likely to be susceptible to political, institutional, ideological and other factors. Although you can divide these issues into non-negotiable "principled elements" like fundamental structures, and "non-principled elements" like common cultural and educational exchanges, the United States’ overly politicized outlook has conflated these issues. Donald Trump’s reelection would make this even worse.

But if both China and the United States agree that even here they can stick to the idea of "harmony despite differences,” enforcing a “friend not foe” relationship and taking the idea that “harmony is precious, stability is critical and trust is the foundation” as their guide, then the countries can resolve such contradictions fairly easily. Because China and the United States are both in a new era of peace and development, both stand to gain the most. The balance of power between the two, the close interdependence of interests and the high degree of shared risks between the U.S. and China mean cooperation is the only correct choice. Therefore, we can only accept and respect each other despite any differences. This is the only way forward for China-U.S. relations, and it is the first principle that both sides have to face in this game of decoupling or cooperation.

Second, how should China respond when the U.S. makes excessive or provocative moves to decouple? At this point, there are generally two options: One is to "do unto others as they would do to unto you,” or adhere to the principle of “an eye for an eye.” The other is to do the opposite.

Here, I would recommend two excerpts from Mao's 1939 conversation with reporters from the Central News Agency, Sao Tang Pao and Xin Min Bao. “We should support whatever the enemy opposes and oppose whatever the enemy supports,” he said. Mao was citing General Zhu Fu of the Eastern Han Dynasty in a letter to the governor of Yuyang, Peng Chong, which was meant to say, "Whatever you do, you must be sure that you do not sadden your friends and gladden your enemies.” He emphasized that the “words express a clear-cut political principle which we must never forget.” This famous language not only clearly sets out the political principle of “do the opposite” but also embodies the message of “don’t cause pain to friends and delight to enemies.”

However, Mao also said something else. "If anyone persists in using violence against us, tries to bully us and resorts to repression … [we] will have to take a firm stand.” Our attitude is that we will not attack unless we are attacked; if we are attacked, we will certainly counter-attack. He added that we should not “go beyond the principle of self-defense.” This famous language articulates the consistent bottom-line mindset of the Chinese people.

In my view, Mao’s words are part of an approach that reconciles opposites and complements each other. They are appropriate for the current state of play between China and the United States (including cross-strait relations).

Specifically, while the United States is clamoring to decouple, we are determined to cooperate. The same applies to cross-strait relations. This is because decoupling would cause pain to friends and delight to enemies, while cooperation is in everyone’s interest.

Our enemies want to promote the destruction of friendly relations and in-depth exchange between Chinese and American people and interfere with the integration and development of the two sides of the [Taiwan] Strait as well as the spiritual harmony of its people; to oppose whatever the enemy supports. Sometimes if things go too far, we have to take a firm stand and react sternly; use hard and soft measures to put them back on the right track.

Today, China stands taller, sees further and has greater strength, resolve and a broader vision than in the past. The Chinese government recently integrated domestic and foreign affairs into its broad development program of building a common destiny for humanity. The sea accepts all rivers and there is harmony because of such tolerance. This is not only what we can historically conclude from China’s endurance through thick and thin over the past several thousand years. It is also the clarion call of the current trend for peaceful development and cooperation and for the welfare and common interest of all peaceful people. We should therefore have enough strength and self-confidence to overcome all kinds of obstacles and interference, including decoupling and move toward our objectives.

The author is a current affairs commentator for Shenzhen Media Group.


毛澤東「凡是敵人反對的,我們就要擁護;凡是敵人擁護的,我們就要反對」、「人不犯我,我不犯人;人若犯我,我必犯人」,這兩句話用在今天的中美(包括兩岸關係)的博弈中,恰到好處。(示意圖/達志影像)
百年變局下動蕩加劇,國際上各類矛盾不斷複雜、激化。尤其美國,現在出於種種原因,無論是對內對外政策都呈現出極端化、對抗化的傾向,不僅僅只是針對中國,更不僅僅只是個「文化脫鉤」的問題。
有關美國近年來這類病態的表現,特別是各個領域的與中國「脫鉤」(或稱「去中國化」),以及其形成的複雜背景及根源等,已經有很多的研究。我這裡,只想就中國應該如何對應美國這種「脫鉤」(特別是「文化脫鉤」),談一點兒粗淺的看法。
首先,雙方都需要端正基本的戰略認知。中美作為今天世界上最大的發展中國家與發達國家,同時又是最大的社會主義國家和資本主義國家,而且還是最大的東方文明和西方文明的代表性國家,雙方在文化上有一些差異和矛盾、分歧,是不可避免的客觀事實,近年來美方的對華錯誤認知又加劇了這些矛盾的複雜性,就使得更易於和政治、制度、意識形態等因素相關的「文化」脫鉤更具有不同於經貿、科技脫鉤的敏感性。儘管這裡邊也可以細分為難以妥協的「原則性要素」,例如根本制度等,以及「非原則性要素」,例如一般的文化教育交流等,今天,這些似乎在美國「泛政治化」的認知中,已經混為一談了。而且還可能因川普捲土重來而變本加厲。
但如果中美雙方都認為,即使在這樣的領域中,我們也是可以本著「和而不同」的理念,也可以去「扣好第一粒鈕扣」,建立「朋友而非敵人」的關係,也可以把「和為貴、穩為重、信為本」作為基本遵循,那這個矛盾就相對比較容易解決。因為中美兩國同處於和平、發展的新時代,並且同為這個時代紅利的最大獲利者。雙方在力量上的相對均衡、利益上的緊密依存和風險上的高度共有,都使得我們之間必須「以合作為唯一正確選擇」。所以,即使有一些分歧,也只能相互包容、相互尊重,這是中美關係的唯一出路,是雙方在「脫鉤或合作」博弈中,第一個要面對的原則性問題。
其次,就是在美方有一些比較過分、甚至挑釁性的「脫鉤」動作時,中方應該如何對應呢?這時,一般有兩種選擇:一種是「以其人之道,還治其人之身」,簡稱「以牙還牙」。另一種則是「反其道而行之」。
這裡,我推薦毛澤東在1939年《和中央社、掃蕩報、新民報三記者的談話》中的兩句話:一句是:「凡是敵人反對的,我們就要擁護;凡是敵人擁護的,我們就要反對。」毛還特別引用東漢時劉秀的一位將軍朱浮寫給漁陽太守彭寵的一段話:「凡舉事無為親厚者所痛,而為見仇者所快。」他告誡大家:「朱浮這句話提出了一個明確的政治原則,我們千萬不可忘記。「這段話很有名,不僅明確提出了「反其道而行之」的政治原則,而且道出了「勿使親痛仇快」的內涵指引。
但是,毛澤東還有另一句話:「任何方面的橫逆如果一定要來,如果欺人太甚,如果實行壓迫,那麼,我們就必須用嚴正的態度對待之。這態度就是:人不犯我,我不犯人;人若犯我,我必犯人」,並指出「不要超過自衛原則」。這又是一段很有名的話,說出了中國人一以貫之的底線思維。
我覺得,毛澤東這兩句話是一個對立統一、相輔相成的方法論,用在今天的中美(包括兩岸關係)的博弈中,恰到好處。
具體而言,美國鬧著要「脫鉤」,我們就堅決要合作,兩岸關係也同樣如此。因為,脫鉤會使「親痛仇快」,合作才是大家的共同利益所在。破壞中美的民間友好感情和深度交往,干擾兩岸的融合發展與民眾的心靈契合,這都是我們的「敵人」所要推動的,「凡是敵人擁護的,我們就要反對。「有時」如果欺人太甚,「我們也要針鋒相對」,用嚴正的態度對待之,「軟硬並舉,使之回到正確的軌道。
今天的中國已經比當年站得更高,看得更遠,有了更大的實力、更強的定力和更廣的胸懷。最近,中國政府已經把內政外交都囊括在「構建人類命運共同體」這個大的發展格局之中。海納百川,有容乃大,有容乃和,這不僅是中華民族幾千年歷經風雨、堅忍前行的歷史總結,也是今天時代和平發展合作潮流的召喚,更是所有和平人類的共同利益福祉所在。所以,我們應該有足夠的力量和自信,克服「脫鉤」等各種干擾和障礙,走向預期的目標。
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