The Collapse of Democracy 1

Published in El Espectador
(Colombia) on 29 November 2024
by Augusto Trujillo Muñoz (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Patricia Simoni. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
“If Germany had long prided itself on being the land of poets and thinkers, in the 1920s it seemed to surpass itself. And yet in that enlightened, creative, ultramodern democracy grew the darkest regime in human history.”* This paragraph is part of the introduction to the book, “The Death of Democracy: Hitler’s Rise to Power and the Downfall of the Weimar Republic,” by American Benjamin Carter Hett, who, in addition, transcribed the apodictic phrase of a German journalist: “First the Reichstag burned, then the books, then the synagogues ... ”*

The United States probably cannot be proud of the same thing, but it is witnessing a similar outcome: First there was the election interference, then the assault on the Capitol, and now the neutralization of sentences in which the judge does not know whether to uphold or overturn the conviction, by virtue of an ineffable decision of the Supreme Court on presidential immunity. Not without reason, political scientist Adam Przeworski, a professor at New York University, expresses fears about the Donald Trump administration for its repeated campaign promises to dismantle social welfare agencies, shut down the fight against climate change and take revenge against his political opponents, starting with those in his own party.

Przeworski then added something even more worrisome: In 2016, Trump and his team won the election, but they had no aptitude whatsoever for governing. Now they are highly prepared, have detailed plans and the will to execute them — beyond the principle of control. Behind the figure of Trump, with his lengthy speeches, an unprecedented project is being assembled toward the development of a plutocracy.

Democracy, whose raison d'être guarantees freedoms, equality, property and controls over power, has ceased to function fully. Its institutions have ended up prisoners of discord, somewhere between inevitable and forced, that simultaneously produced economic growth and social inequality. It has fallen into the realm of plutocracy. The phenomenon has become structural and destroyed the great idea — the force — of democracy, which depended on a balance between the social rule of law and the social market economy.

Such balances were the product of political, economic and social considerations that were applied almost universally in the previous century. In Colombia, they were consulted to adopt the reforms of 1910, 1936, 1968, and the 1991 constitution. But the new century worked against them and fractured those institutional balances: Politics became a mechanism to win elections, economics became dogma and law became theory. The first two became divorced from each other and both from social reality; the latter reduced its virtues to what the jurist Mauricio García calls symbolic effectiveness — that is, it is not necessary to produce the best law; it is enough to legitimize the rulers in any way.

By all appearances, the new gringo government will favor policies that legitimize decisions to benefit 1% of the population, whose wealth is greater than that of the remaining 99%.

*Editor’s note: Although accurately translated, these quotes could not be independently verified.


“Si Alemania se había enorgullecido durante mucho tiempo de ser la tierra de poetas y pensadores, en la década de los veinte parecía superarse a sí misma. Y, sin embargo, en esa democracia ilustrada, creativa y ultramoderna creció el más oscuro régimen de la historia humana”. Este párrafo forma parte de la introducción al libro La muerte de la democracia del norteamericano Benjamin Carter Hett quien, además, transcribe la frase apodíctica de un periodista alemán: “Primero ardió el Reichstag, luego los libros, luego las sinagogas…”.

Probablemente los Estados Unidos no puedan enorgullecerse de lo mismo, pero están asistiendo a un desenlace semejante: primero fue la interferencia electoral, después el asalto al Capitolio y ahora la neutralización de unas sentencias sobre las cuales el juez no sabe si mantener la condena o anularla, en virtud de una inefable decisión de la Suprema Corte sobre inmunidad presidencial. No sin razones, el politólogo Adam Przeworski, profesor de la Universidad de Nueva York, expresa miedos frente al Gobierno Trump por sus reiteradas promesas de campaña en el sentido de desmantelar las agencias de asistencia social, clausurar la lucha contra el cambio climático y tomar venganza contra sus oponentes políticos, empezando por los de su propio partido.

Agregó luego algo más preocupante aún: en el año 2016, Trump y su equipo ganaron las elecciones, pero no tenían aptitud alguna para gobernar. Ahora están altamente preparados, tienen programas detallados para decidir y voluntad de hacerlo incluso por encima del principio del control. Tras la figura de Trump y de sus procelosos anuncios se ha venido montando un proyecto inédito al servicio de desarrollos plutocráticos.

La democracia, cuya razón de ser garantiza las libertades, la igualdad, la propiedad y los controles sobre el poder, dejó de funcionar cabalmente. Sus instituciones terminaron prisioneras de una discordancia, entre inevitable y forzosa, que produce simultáneamente crecimiento económico y desigualdad social. Cayó en el escenario propio de la plutocracia. El fenómeno se volvió estructural y destruyó la gran idea-fuerza democrática que descansaba sobre los equilibrios entre Estado social de derecho y economía social de mercado.

Tales equilibrios fueron producto de ponderaciones políticas, económicas y sociales que se aplicaron casi universalmente en el siglo anterior. En Colombia fueron consultadas para adoptar las reformas de 1910, de 1936, de 1968 y la Constitución de 1991. Pero la nueva centuria obró en su contra y fracturó esos equilibrios institucionales: la política se convirtió en una mecánica para ganar elecciones, la economía en dogmas y el derecho en teoría. Las dos primeras se divorciaron la una de la otra y ambas de la realidad social; el último redujo sus virtudes a lo que el jurista Mauricio García llama eficacia simbólica, es decir, no hace falta producir el mejor derecho; basta legitimar de cualquier manera a los gobernantes.

A todo parecer, el nuevo Gobierno gringo privilegiará políticas que legitimen decisiones para beneficiar al 1 % de la población universal, cuya riqueza es superior a la del 99 % restante.
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