Cooperation against Corruption in the Best Interests of Both US and China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 19 September 2015
by Du Zhizhou (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Joanna Kenney.
On Sept. 18, the U.S. Justice and State Departments worked in close coordination with their Chinese counterparts to forcibly repatriate Yang Jinjun, a suspect under charges of corruption and bribery who fled to the United States and had been living there for 14 years. This marks the first time that the United States has repatriated an individual on China's published “100 most wanted list,” signifying the beginnings of a gradual uptick in U.S.-Chinese cooperation on international anti-corruption cases.

The cooperation is beneficial to the two nations as both a response to the pressing need to achieve graft-free governance and a catalyst to encourage a market environment of fair competition. The interests of both nations provide strong motivation for collaboration in such instances, and serve as both the primary reason and staunchest pillar supporting collaboration on anti-corruption matters.

China sorely needs to clean its political house of corruption. Sustaining pressure on settling individual cases will buy it time to attack the root of the problem and create political and societal conditions favorable to consolidating its economic gains. Meanwhile, the United States' willingness to help track down fled criminals and their ill-gotten spoils also stems from considerations regarding its own interests. First, there is the fact that as corruption becomes increasingly of an international nature, any member of the global village is directly or indirectly susceptible to being negatively affected by corruption within another nation, and the United States is no exception. In terms of self-protection, the United States has no choice but to closely cooperate with China on anti-corruption cases. And in another sense, the deepening reliance of U.S. economic development on China is another key reason why the United States will accommodate Chinese efforts to strike at corrupt officials. China is now the United States' second largest trading partner, and the U.S. economic recovery is intimately linked with the Chinese market and Chinese products. Cracking down on corruption within China will create a more open and transparent market environment, lower transaction costs, and augment the effectiveness of U.S. investments, constituting an enormous economic incentive that will entice the United States to lend a hand to Chinese anti-corruption efforts. If there are no eternal allies and only perpetual interests in foreign relations, when it comes to international cooperation on fighting corruption, perpetual interests will make for eternal allies.

It is precisely due to this precondition that actions be consistent with the mutual interest of both parties that U.S.-Chinese collaboration has gone from wading in the mud with reluctant steps to speeding the Autobahn in such a short span of time. A series of substantive cooperative frameworks and systems has been produced in short order, making mutually beneficial cooperation on recovering fugitives and their stolen assets increasingly the norm. And anchoring these efforts are not only international agreements such as the United Nations Convention against Corruption and Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, but also new and more concrete cooperative frameworks that are being produced one after another. Thus, interests provide the drive, and systems the foundation, for achieving great things in the United States and China's joint anti-corruption agenda. Since China's Ministry of Public Security began “Operation Fox Hunt” in 2013, a great number of unscrupulous officials who had fled to the United States have been apprehended and repatriated to stand trial. Events prove time and again that the United States has long since ceased to be a haven for China's corrupt.

Of course, there yet exist complicating factors between the two nations, such as differences in their societal and legal systems and the lack of a signed extradition treaty. However, this does not preclude them from strengthening cooperation through substitute methods such as investigations into visa fraud and money laundering. The healthy development of these efforts on the part of the United States and China will become an important example to look back upon when establishing a new international order to combat corruption.

The author is deputy director of Beihang University's Integrity Research and Education Center.


  18日,在中美两国司法和外交部门的密切合作下,潜逃美国14年的贪腐贿赂犯罪嫌疑人杨进军被强制遣返回中国,这是美国首次向中国遣返公开曝光的“百名红色通缉令人员”,标志着中美两国反腐国际合作渐入佳境。

  不论从两国自身廉政建设的迫切需要,还是从反腐败促进公平竞争的市场环境来看,中美之间的反腐合作都是双赢的。两国的利益诉求为反腐国际合作提供了强大的动力,这是中美在反腐败问题上持续靠近的主要原因和最大支撑。

  中国急切需要建设廉洁政治,保持治标的高压态势为治本赢得时间,为实现经济新常态创造良好的政治环境和社会环境。而美国之所以支持中国追逃追赃,也是出于自身利益的考量。一方面,在腐败国际化趋势越来越明显的背景下,地球村里的任何成员都会直接或间接地受到他国腐败的影响,美国也不例外。出于自我保护的需要,美国不得不与中国在反腐上密切合作。另一方面,美国在经济发展上对中国的依赖持续加深,也是美国配合中国打击贪官的重要理由。中国已是美国的第二大贸易伙伴,美国的经济复苏离不开中国的市场和产品。中国反腐败会创造更加公开透明、低交易成本的市场环境,提升美国的投资效益,这些巨大的经济诱惑会持续驱动美国助力中国反腐。如果说在外交关系上没有永恒的朋友只有永恒的利益,那么在反腐国际合作领域,有了永恒的利益就有了永恒的朋友。

正是在双方互利双赢的前提下,中美反腐败国际合作从举步维艰的泥沼迅速走上了快车道,一系列实质性的合作框架和制度相继出台,使两国在追逃追赃问题上的互利协作逐步常态化。不仅《联合国反腐败公约》、《联合国打击跨国有组织犯罪公约》等国际公约是中美反腐合作的牢固基础平台,新的更具体的合作框架也纷纷落地。利益的驱动和制度的支撑,促成了中美反腐合作的优良成绩。自2013年中国公安部成立“猎狐”行动机构以来,大批外逃美国的贪官被抓捕归案。事实一次又一次地证明,美国已全然不是中国贪官的“避罪天堂”。

  当然,中美反腐败国际合作还存在一些不利因素,例如社会制度与法律制度的差异,两国尚未签订引渡条约等,但这并不影响两国通过调查贪官签证欺诈和洗钱问题等替代方式继续加强反腐合作。中美反腐国际合作的健康发展,将成为构建国际反腐新秩序的重要典范。

(作者杜治洲是北京航空航天大学廉洁研究与教育中心副主任)
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