The Words of the Crisis

Published in Le Monde
(France) on 25 September 2008
by Edito du Monde (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Rami Assadi. Edited by .
Ever since the subprime crisis, when those acrobatic mortgage funds burst in the United States in 2007, each passing month, each day, has seen longer, more accentuated tremors that rattle the world’s economy. To the financial workers, the shock waves have made a part of the American Banking system collapse onto itself and now puts in danger the “true” economy, production, consumer confidence, and employment.

In the U.S. first-but now bouncing around every country, it’s the dreadful crisis of overall confidence that is the menace; it testifies to people’s doubts and skepticism that provoked the giant banking bail out the government recently announced. Who could check such suspicion? At this stage, certainly not the principal economic actors. And even less so the financiers who have not known nor measured nor controlled the folly of the markets to which they have not lent a hand.

And so stay the factotums in public life with their political responsibilities. Decried and with most of them suspected of being no more than rhetoricians without power, they find themselves with the opportunity to demonstrate their usefulness. But the risks are evident. If they say nothing, their silence will be judged shameful. If they speak, doubt will enter immediately; what grasp do they truly have of the crisis. George Bush came to deliver in a tone that was alarmist and dramatic, but without being afraid to say, “a long and painful recession.”

Relatively speaking, the challenge is the same for Nicolas Sarkozy, who had to explain himself to Toulon on Sept. 25. He found the words to avoid the anxiety turning into “panic” (so says George Bush), but without leaving the French believing that the crisis is under control since for the moment, nothing affirms that it is.

In short, the president of the Republic must, as much as possible, reassure without boring, explain without panicking, relearn the limits of his power without raising current mistrust in the situation. In knowing what’s at stake is decisive for the three years to come, contrary to his American counterpart, he must realize he is not at the end of his mandate.


Depuis que la crise des subprimes - ces crédits hypothécaires acrobatiques - a éclaté aux Etats-Unis à l'été 2007, chaque mois qui passe, et désormais chaque jour, accentue davantage les secousses qui ébranlent l'économie mondiale. Partie des marchés financiers, l'onde de choc a atteint celui des matières premières, fait s'effondrer une partie du système bancaire américain et met maintenant en danger l'économie "réelle", autrement dit la production, la croissance et l'emploi.
Aux Etats-Unis en premier lieu, mais par ricochet dans tous les pays, c'est une redoutable crise de confiance qui menace - en témoignent les doutes et le scepticisme que suscite le gigantesque plan de sauvetage bancaire annoncé par le gouvernement américain il y a quelques jours. Qui peut enrayer cette défiance ? Certainement pas, à ce stade, les principaux acteurs économiques, encore moins financiers, qui n'ont su ni mesurer ni maîtriser la folie des marchés - quand ils ne leur ont pas prêté la main.
Restent les factotums de la vie publique : les responsables politiques. Décriés, le plus souvent soupçonnés d'être des rhéteurs sans pouvoir, ils retrouvent là l'occasion de démontrer leur utilité. Mais le risque est évident. S'ils ne parlent pas, leur silence sera jugé coupable. S'ils parlent, le doute s'insinue immédiatement : quelle prise ont-ils réellement sur la crise ? George W. Bush vient de se livrer à l'exercice, sur un mode alarmiste, voire dramatique, sans craindre d'évoquer "une récession longue et douloureuse".
Toutes proportions gardées, le défi est le même pour Nicolas Sarkozy, qui devait s'exprimer à Toulon jeudi 25 septembre : trouver les mots pour éviter que l'inquiétude ne se transforme en "panique" (dixit G. W. Bush) ; mais sans laisser croire aux Français que la crise est sous contrôle, puisque rien ne permet, pour l'heure, d'affirmer qu'elle l'est.
Bref, le président de la République doit, autant que possible, rassurer sans endormir, expliquer sans affoler, reconnaître les limites de son pouvoir sans accentuer la défiance sur sa réalité même. En sachant que l'enjeu est décisif pour les trois années à venir : contrairement à son homologue américain, il n'est pas en fin de mandat.
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