The Camp David summit was doubly interesting. The leaders of the two superpowers constituting todays West the USA and the E.U.- were trying to find preventive means to the financial crisis that has shaken the fundaments of global capitalism. After the meeting, Bush, Sarkozy and Barosso made a nice sounding promise that they would cooperate on the issue, which should make stock market investors optimistic, at least for a few hours- writes Dziennik commentator Cezary Michalski.
However, simultaneously, a new war has started concerning the shape of the world that will emerge in the aftermath of the crisis. The conflict of the two Western superpowers- America and Europe- is recurring with double force. At this point the U.S. and European governments are doing the same thing: with help of hundreds of billions of dollars and Euros, they are putting out the fire in the financial sector so as it would not spread over the entire world economy. The summit proved that even though the practice of current actions is almost identical, the theories and ideological language used in the face of the crisis are totally different in the USA than in Europe.
We heard two totally different declarations on the future of capitalism from Bush and Sarkozy. Bush kept repeating the neoliberal mantra that only the free market is reasonable, and any intervention or regulation might have a catastrophic impact on the free- market rationality. These words did not sound very convincing coming from the man who had just accepted the biggest intervention in the financial sector in the history of capitalist government. Sarkozy, on the other hand, clearly stated that once the crisis is over, capitalism should not be revived by those who destroyed it. In the language of French politics, it might refer to greedy and unimaginative global speculators: banks and hedge funds. Sarkozy suggested that global capitalism should be bridled through global regulations.
We are now at the battle front of the old conflict between the Anglo-Saxon and continental models of capitalism. The fact that it is not just an argument between two leaders has been evident in reactions on both sides of the Atlantic. Le Monde praises Sarlozy, Washington Post, on the other hand, warns against European state capitalism. French intellectual Emmanuel Todd is proclaiming the decline of America and rise of Asian superpowers, while McCain is attacking Obamas polices for being most closely linked to European socialism.
Sarkozy also said in Camp David that Americans would not rule the world after the crisis: firstly, because it is them who caused it and secondly, because it will make the USA much weaker than the other centers of capitalism, the European and the Asian one. It is hard to say whether this diagnosis is true, but it definitely has an enormous political potential, which could be reduced to one call: lets put a straight jacket on the Americans. Sarkozy proposed that the crisis should be handled by both G-8 and G-5. It would mean a creation of one big coalition between Europe and Asia having one priority: destroying global domination of America or at least freeing oneself from its control.
Thus, it looks like the financial crisis that originated in America added more fuel to a new conflict between the two Western superpowers than the American intervention in Iraq a few years ago did.
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Cezary Michalski w DZIENNIKU fot. Piotr G?sicki
Szczyt w Camp David by? podwójnie ciekawy. Liderzy dwóch pot?g sk?adaj?cych si? na wspó?czesny Zachód - USA i Unii Europejskiej - próbowali znale?? ?rodki zaradcze na kryzys finansowy wstrz?saj?cy fundamentami globalnego kapitalizmu. Bush, Sarkozy i Barroso z?o?yli po spotkaniu ?adnie brzmi?c? obietnic? wspólnego dzia?ania, która powinna natchn?? inwestorów gie?dowych optymizmem, przynajmniej na par? godzin - pisze w DZIENNIKU komentator Cezary Michalski.
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Jednocze?nie jednak rozpocz??a si? wojna o kszta?t nowego ?wiata, który wy?oni si? po finansowym kryzysie. Konflikt dwóch Zachodów - Ameryki i Europy - powraca z pe?n? moc?. Na razie rz?dy europejskie i ameryka?ski robi? to samo: za pomoc? setek miliardów dolarów i euro gasz? po?ar w sektorze finansowym, aby ogie? nie przeniós? si? na ca?? ?wiatow? gospodark?. Ale cho? praktyka bie??cego dzia?ania jest prawie identyczna, to teorie, ideologiczne j?zyki u?ywane w obliczu kryzysu w Ameryce i w Europie s? zupe?nie inne, czego najlepszym dowodem by? szczyt w Camp David.
Od Busha i Sarkozy'ego us?yszeli?my tam dwie zupe?nie inne deklaracje na temat przysz?o?ci kapitalizmu. Bush powtarza neoliberaln? mantr?, ?e tylko wolny rynek jest rozumny, a ka?da interwencja czy regulacja mo?e mie? katastrofalny wp?yw na wolnorynkow? racjonalno??. Ma?o przekonuj?co brzmi? te s?owa w ustach cz?owieka, który zaakceptowa? w?a?nie najwi?ksz? w historii kapitalizmu interwencj? rz?du na rynkach finansowych. Z kolei Sarkozy wprost powiedzia?, ?e kiedy kryzys zostanie za?egnany, kapitalizmu nie powinni uzdrawia? ci, którzy go zepsuli. W domy?lnym j?zyku francuskiej polityki oznacza to chciwych i pozbawionych wyobra?ni globalnych spekulantów: banki i fundusze inwestycyjne. Sarkozy proponuje okie?znanie globalnego kapitalizmu przez globalne regulacje.
Znale?li?my si? na froncie starego sporu pomidzy anglosaskim i kontynentalnym modelem kapitalizmu. A o tym, ?e nie jest to tylko sprzeczka dwóch przywódców, przekonuj? nas reakcje po obu stronach atlantyku. "Le Monde" chwali Sarkozy'ego, "Washington Post" ostrzega przed europejskim "kapitalizmem pa?stwowym". Francuski intelektualista Emmanuel Todd zapowiada schy?ek Ameryki i wzrost pot?g azjatyckich, podczas gdy McCain atakuje Obam? za to, ?e najbi?ej mu do "europejskich socjalistów".
Sarkozy powiedzia? te? w Camp David, ?e ?wiatem po kryzysie nie b?d? ju? zarz?dza? Amerykanie, po pierwsze, bo to oni go wywo?ali, po drugie, bo Ameryka wyjdzie z kryzysu bardziej os?abiona ni? inne centra kapitalizmu: europejskie i azjatyckie. Nie wiadomo, czy jest to diagnoza prawdziwa, ale na pewno posiada ogromny potencja? polityczny. Mo?na go sprowadzi? do wezwania: za?ó?my Amerykanom kaftan bezpiecze?stwa. Sarkozy zaproponowa?, aby z kryzysem radzi?y sobie wspólnie grupa G-8 i grupa G-5. Oznacza to zbudowanie wielkiej koalicji pa?stw Europy i Azji maj?cych jeden priorytet: obali? globaln? dominacj? Ameryki lub przynajmniej samemu wyzwoli? si? spod jej wp?ywu.
Jak zatem wida? zapocz?tkowany w Ameryce kryzys finansowy dostarczy? jeszcze wi?cej paliwa na now? wojn? dwóch Zachodów ni? przed kilku laty ameryka?ska interwencja w Iraku.
Cezary Michalski
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The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
The madness lies in asserting something ... contrary to all evidence and intelligence. The method is doing it again and again, relentlessly, at full volume ... This is how Trump became president twice.
The madness lies in asserting something ... contrary to all evidence and intelligence. The method is doing it again and again, relentlessly, at full volume ... This is how Trump became president twice.