China Needs International Idealism

Published in Nandu Daily
(China) on 24 February 2010
by Cheng Yawen (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Anna Isaacson. Edited by Jessica Boesl.
The first secretary of state in the British government, Peter Mandelson, recently published an editorial entitled “We Want China to Lead” in the New York Times. The editorial proposed that, because China will soon surpass the U.S. and Germany to become the world’s largest exporter, and also will soon surpass Japan to become the world’s largest economy, Europe and the U.S. hope China will move into a leadership role. Mandelson further argues that, “the reality is that effective multilateralism will be impossible without Chinese engagement.” Mandelson calls upon China not to “retreat into inflexibility or insularity.” At the same time, he calls upon Europe and the U.S. to sympathize with China’s trepidations in the realm of global governance.

This concept of “China’s responsibility” reflects a remarkable shift in China’s relationship with the rest of the world. Some will remember that, in October of last year, Somali pirates hijacked the Chinese bulk carrier De Xin Hai. Just twenty or thirty years ago, it would have been very difficult to imagine pirates would target Chinese ships. At that time, China was liberally assisting our African brothers’ efforts to resist imperialism. But China is now considered a normal country and the light of idealism that once surrounded the name “China” has all but faded.

With China’s rise, the world can no longer ignore us. Under these circumstances, criticism and questioning is actually more meaningful than empty praise. Recently, a current events commentator in Germany published “The Cassandra Complex,” in which he questions the argument that we have already entered a G-2 era in which China and the U.S. are the sole global leaders. He argues that, whether looking at salaries, national defense, education, technology or any other indicator, the U.S. has long-term advantages over China and other countries. The U.S. remains the “last man standing,” he insists. Those who predict America’s demise are wrong, he argues, because China will have a very hard time displacing the U.S. as the global leader for the foreseeable future.

The author also looks favorably upon the U.S. because, in his eyes, the U.S. still has one thing other nations will have difficulty obtaining. This is its culture and tradition of war. In order to protect its security and its interests, the U.S. dares to use all the tools it has at hand, including weapons. The author argues that the difference between the U.S. and other nations is that the U.S. is determined to be useful and self-confident in the international arena.

Having saved Europe from ruin twice in the 20th century, the U.S. profited from war. This military tradition turned the U.S. into the world’s most powerful country. The U.S. is a nation that, by seeking to satisfy its own interests, also satisfies the interests of others along the way. The key to the U.S.’s success is not its altruism nor its selfishness, but rather its interest in self-advancement. Thus, the meaning of the term “hegemony” in the U.S. is starkly different from its meaning in China. Military might and diplomatic ambition are not necessarily bad, so long they can benefit others along the way. Other nations cannot match the U.S.’s power, in the author’s estimation. Europe and India are indeed ambitious, but they lack military strength. Japan spends its days hidden in the U.S.’s shadow. China and Russia are still considered developing countries; they look out for only their own interests.

Who will come out on top in the future world order? The author of “The Cassandra Complex” argues that the U.S. will continue to dominate. It’s impossible to tell at this point if this is true. The author argues that dominance arises through military might. As for how a powerful country arrives at being powerful, he offers just a few limited conditions. The country must be willing and able to provide for the public well-being. In this regard, China merits study. Nations are not merely self-interested. They also must provide for the spiritual and moral well-being of their people. A nation is a community of mutual interests, but it is also an emotional community. Strong bonds arise when a nation can accommodate both types of communities. It is the same on the international level. Without morality, a nation that pursues only its own interests will have difficulty winning other nations’ respect and approval, and, as a result, will have trouble securing its interests.

China has a long-standing tradition of participating in the international community. In imperial times, the first Ming emperor, Hongwu, proclaimed the Korean peninsula, Japan, small islands, ancient Vietnam, Cambodia, Siam, Sumatra, Java, India and other regions to be friendly tributaries of China. The empire used its own national powers to preserve the safety and security of the entire East Asian region. After the mid-19th century, China became an oppressed nation and participated in international politics within that role. In the 20th century, China’s support for nations in Africa and Latin America won favorable approval in the Third World. This history reminds China not only to seek strength and mingle with the powerful, but also to remember the troubles of the weak. China now has so many different influences in different regions and global politics are in flux. There are shortages of many necessary goods. China must use its strength carefully to establish global order and encourage global equality. We cannot turn away from this problem.


■天下论坛之程亚文专栏

英国商务大臣彼得·曼德尔森近日在美国《纽约时报》撰文《我们希望中国来领导》,提出中国在相继超过美国、德国而成为世界最大的出口国,还将很快超越日本成为世界第二大经济体后,“欧洲和美国希望中国进入领导角色”,原因在于,“没有中国的参与,就不可能实现有效的多边主义”。曼德尔森呼吁中国“不能退回到僵化和封闭”,同时欧洲和美国应理解中国参与全球管理的顾虑。

这似乎不过是“中国责任论”的一曲新词,但也的确反映出中国与世界的关系,已经与过去大不一样了。有心人会记得,去年10月,中国货轮“德新海”号曾在索马里海域被海盗劫持,回到二三十年前,中国船只和人员在非洲被海盗劫持的事件,很难想象会发生,很重要的原因是,那时候中国无偿援助非洲抵抗帝国主义,中国被非洲认为是“难兄难弟”。这说明一个重要问题,是中国现在已被当作与其他大国无他的普通国家,曾经环绕在“中国”身上的理想主义光环,业已褪色。

中国在走向世界,世界如何看待中国,已经无法像过去那样闭而不见。在这个问题上,批评和质疑的声音,其实比廉价的表扬称颂更有意义。德国时事评论家约瑟夫· 约费不久前著文《卡桑德拉情结》,就对当今世界已进入“中美国”即G2时代的说法大不以为然。他认为无论从国民收入、国防开支、教育与科技投资还是人口世代更替水平看,美国比起中国等其他大国都优势明显而且有着长期性,这使美国在今后仍将是“站到最后的人”,那些唱衰美国的音调实际上不着边际,中国在可见未来很难取代美国成为世界领袖。

约费继续看好美国,还因为在他眼中,美国还有一种独特品质难为其他大国所具备,那就是战争文化,为维护共同的国际安全和国际利益,美国敢于动用国家实力包括武力,“美国与世界其他地方的区别是它决意在世界发挥作用以及它的自信”。20世纪里两次拯救欧洲,就是美国战争文化的绝好体现,这使美国成为“源自必要的世界大国”,“一个通过追求自身利益同时满足其他人利益的国家”,美国成功的关键“既不是利他主义也不是自私自利,而是进步的利己主义。”这也就可以理解,为什么在美国和中国的不同语境中,“霸权”一词有着截然相反的性质涵义,强大的军事统治工具和雄健的世界野心并不完全是坏事情,如果它能够同时增进自己和他人利益的话。相比之下,约费对除美国之外的其他大国都颇有看低,欧洲和印度不是没有愿望,就是没有实力;日本只知藏在美国身后过日子;中国、俄罗斯则是修正主义大国,“它们只按照自己的利益行动”。

未来世界谁主沉浮?约费代表了坚信美国优越论的一方。是不是如此姑且不论,约费对国家实力尤其是战争文化的分析比较,却对大国何以成为大国,给出了限定条件,那就是提供公共福祉的意愿和能力。对这一点,实在值得中国思考借鉴。国家不仅是利益的存在,也是道义和精神的存在。从内部来说,现代民族国家是利益共同体也是情感共同体,光有共同利益维持不了民族国家,对共同价值和理想的追求,才是形成命运共同体的更为坚强纽带。国际层面同样如此。一个没有道义形象、唯自己国家利益至上而不顾其他的国家,难以获得其他国家的尊重和认同,也就难以很好维护自己的国家利益。

中国向来有在自身的国家利益中楔入共同的国际利益的传统,天下主义思想作用下的东亚朝贡格局时代,明太祖朱元璋曾宣布朝鲜、日本、大小琉球、安南、占城、真腊、暹罗、苏门答腊、爪哇、湓亨、白花、三佛齐、渤尼、西洋顼理(印度)等15国为“不征之国”,动用国家实力在很多时候也起到了维护东亚区域和平安定的作用。19世纪下半叶以来中国则是以被压迫国家的身份参与世界政治,20世纪里对亚非拉等有着相似现代经历的国家的支持帮助,曾在第三世界广泛赢得好感。这种历史提醒中国不仅要学会与强者周旋,也要义无反顾与弱者共存亡。中国如今是有着多种身份特征的地区性大国,世界政治目前正处在权势变迁的过程中,全球公共品的供给面临20世纪下半叶以来最严重的短缺,中国如何运用国家实力增进国际秩序的公正、国际利益的丰裕,已经成为无法回避的一个大课题。(作者系北京学者)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Venezuela: China: Authoritarianism Unites, Democracy Divides

Austria: If This Is Madness, There is a Method to It

Germany: Donald Trump’s Failure

Turkey: Blood and Fury: Killing of Charlie Kirk, Escalating US Political Violence

Israel: Antisemitism and Anti-Israel Bias: Congress Opens Investigation into Wikipedia

Topics

Russia: Trump the Multipolarist*

Turkey: Blood and Fury: Killing of Charlie Kirk, Escalating US Political Violence

Thailand: Brazil and the US: Same Crime, Different Fate

Singapore: The Assassination of Charlie Kirk Leaves America at a Turning Point

Germany: When Push Comes to Shove, Europe Stands Alone*

Guatemala: Fanaticism and Intolerance

Venezuela: China: Authoritarianism Unites, Democracy Divides

Israel: Antisemitism and Anti-Israel Bias: Congress Opens Investigation into Wikipedia

Related Articles

Germany: It’s Not Europe’s Fault

Spain: State Capitalism in the US

Thailand: Appeasing China Won’t Help Counter Trump

India: Will New US Envoy Help to Repair Ties under Threat?

France: Global South: Trump Is Playing into China’s Hands

Previous article
Next article