China’s Response to America’s Cyclical Policy

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 10 March 2010
by Wen Xu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Michelle Deeter. Edited by Harley Jackson.
Even though the relations between the United States and China have experienced some low points since the end of 2009, China still let the American nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, the USS Nimitz, dock in Hong Kong, and the American government also sent a high ranking official to visit China. Some scholars think that today’s apprehensive situation is not going to influence the overall development of the relations between the two countries.

For a long time, though, we have kept a consistent policy, and many scholars are obsessed with the “cooperation and harmony” policy towards America, which under certain circumstances has obvious weak spots that can cause backfires. On the surface, America seems to be actively responsive, but it is really pursuing a “harmony and resistance” cyclical policy toward China. [That is, sometimes America cooperates with China’s interests, and other times it resists China’s interests.] This policy, which is performed to interfere with China’s regular development, is difficult for China to cope with on a basic level, but causes no substantial damage to America. If these two countries continue the “Conflict, Confront, Alleviate, Restore” cyclical relations, it will hurt China’s interests in the long run. Under certain circumstances, China should break the rules of the game and end America’s unilateral control and management. In this way, China could end America’s cyclical policy toward China.

I will outline tough cyclical policies towards the bilateral relations from four aspects. First, in terms of foreign policy towards America, China should not actively interfere with America’s core interests. At the same time, China should not let America harm China’s core interests. Both sides should guarantee the biggest central interests of the other side. Second, according to the agenda-setting priorities and considerations for contact with America, one should emphasize friendly relations and peaceful stability for economic, social and cultural issues. However, when it comes to sticking to the hard-line on issues of national security, territory and sovereignty, there is no point in not causing trouble and being afraid of consequences. Third, in terms of the gradual process of development of relations with America, when America is good to our country, we will keep stable relations, but when America puts up a tough stance, we will not show any weakness. Fourth, according to America’s domestic political circumstances and negative attitude towards Chinese influence, we welcome cooperation and friendship as we look past misunderstandings and prejudice, but we stand firm against malicious intimidation and blackmail.

There is a thought-provoking phenomenon that happens in Sino-American bilateral relations: Every time America challenges the core interests of China, American society works to alleviate tensions as soon as China dares to show its strength and put pressure back on America, and relations actually become better. On the other hand, if China worries about the outcome and remains hesitant, America becomes arrogant and aggressive, refusing to be satisfied with any small gains.

Therefore, it is totally reasonable for China to keep a cyclical tough stance towards America. The crux of the matter is whether we have enough political will and patience. Some worry that this will adversely influence the relations with America, but these people are absolutely wrong. The purpose of a cyclical tough stance is not to totally break relations with America, but to make America truly become aware that it needs to re-acknowledge and revise its relations with China. America needs to understand that the former vague and equivocal policy towards China is no longer appropriate. China already possesses substantial deterring capabilities that it can use against America; it will not swallow the bitter pill that America has prepared for it.



尽管从2009年年底以来,中美关系经历低潮,但中国仍然允许美国海军核动力航母“尼米兹”号访问香港,美国政府也派出政府高级官员访华。有学者认为,目前的紧张状况不会影响两国关系的总体发展。

  但长期以来,我们一直贯彻的,也是很多学者非常热衷的“合作+融合”的对美交往模式在一定条件下反而构成了一个非常明显的软肋:美国表面上积极响应, 但实际奉行“融合+对抗”的周期性的对华政策,用以干扰我国正常的发展进程,而我国基本只有被动应付,美国最后也不会有任何实质性的损失。笔者认为,中美 两国如果长期处于这种“冲突-对峙-缓和-恢复”的关系周期律,从长远来说完全不符合中国的利益。中国应在一定条件下打破由美国单方面控制和主导的这种游 戏规则,以对美关系周期性强硬应对美国的周期性对华政策。

  笔者提出的“周期性强硬”是从四个关系维度进行考量。从对美外交原则来说,中国应不主动触碰美国的核心利益,但是也不允许美国损害中国的核心利益,双 方都要对对方做出最核心、最重大的利益上的战略保证;从对美交往的议程设置上的轻重缓急来说,应该在经济、社会、文化层面上强调友好交流,和谐稳定,但在 涉及国家安全、领土和主权完整的方面不做让步并具有不惹事,不怕事的勇气和胆量;从对美关系阶段性、时间性发展进程角度来说,美国对我国友好时,我们也保 持关系稳定,美国态度强硬时,我们也绝不示弱。从对美国国内政治形势和对反华势力的态度来说,对待友好合作我们欢迎,误解和偏见也可以理解,恶意恫吓和讹 诈坚决回击。

  中美关系中有个耐人寻味的现象:每当美国挑战中国国家核心利益的时候,只要中国敢于亮剑、敢于理直气壮地顶回去,美国都会主动缓和,中美关系反而会变得好起来。相反,如果中国患得患失、犹豫不决,美国反而变得狂妄嚣张,得寸进尺。

  因此,在一定条件下,中国对美保持周期性强硬的做法完全合情合理,最关键的是我们是否具有足够的政治意志和政治忍耐力,有人担心这样做会影响与美国的 关系,这种想法是非常错误的。因为周期性强硬的目的不是和美国彻底决裂,而是要让美国真正认识到必须重新认识和调整与中国的关系,以往那种模糊暧昧、两面 派的对华政策已经不合时宜,中国已经具备了实质性的、真正威慑美国的能力,中国不会吞下美国为我们制造的苦果。
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