China Does Not Need to Start a “Space Race” with the U.S.

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 28 April 2010
by Zhao Kejin (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew Hunter. Edited by Harley Jackson.
After more than 10 years of research and development in the U.S., the X-37B unmanned space fighter, its capabilities and intended role all classified as top secret, recently took its first test flight. Prior to this, U.S. President Obama announced a new space program, as the U.S. government puts the Bush administration’s plans to return to the moon on hold and shifts the focus of space exploration to more distant Mars.

Former U.S. President Kennedy once predicted: “Whoever controls the universe, will control our world; whoever controls space, will control initiative in war.”* As a leader in space exploration, America knows full well that whoever seizes control of the skies will win the power to control information, the seas and airspace, thereby guaranteeing victory in future wars. As keen as he is to emphasize change, President Obama has not actually made any real adjustments to space strategy, which is still, and has always been, to advance the supremacy of the U.S. in space and to remain the head of a space alliance. But Obama is most likely shouting about promoting U.S. supremacy in space in order to divert attention from his true intention: to bring about technological innovation and economic transformation.

A change can be seen in Obama’s tactics as he strives for U.S. supremacy in space; there is more emphasis on proactive, pragmatic and truly comprehensive strategies for seizing America’s future supremacy. Obama’s new space program stems from his scheme to integrate civilian and military space flight resources and to maintain America’s competitive edge in space flight. But beyond this, it stems, more importantly, from U.S. concerns for bringing about technological innovation and for being at the forefront of the world. The Obama administration will challenge America to its limits, both in space flight and in a series of key technological fields. The U.S. will no longer be content to tally up the commercial profits made through upgrading and distributing new technology, but will be ever more concerned with speeding up its technological innovation and renewal, leaving all its foreign competitors far behind.

America is not, as some have opined, in decline under the Obama administration; its soft strategies are getting softer and its hard strategies harder. On soft political issues, such as relations with the Islamic world, Obama can seek international cooperation. He can talk humbly when trying to restore America’s image. But Obama’s actions cannot be humble, and he sticks to his principles with regard to nuclear issues, which impact America’s dominance.

Therefore, Obama is not rallying his troops to “seize control of space,” as some commentators have feared, nor is he attempting to escalate an ever-worsening arms race in space. On the contrary, the Obama administration has other things in mind, having strategically decided that, hereafter, international competition will still be a question of technological competition and quality of labor. Especially at this critical time, when economic recovery is sluggish and a myriad of reforms are in the offing, an annual expenditure of $60 billion or more could leave holes in Obama’s plans for economic recovery. Therefore, we cannot discount the possibility that Obama will put some of the most advanced space flight development programs on hold and go ahead with his plan to integrate military and civilian space flight resources. But, when faced with divergent opposition at home, he will need to pull out a new “space program” in order to satisfy public opinion. This ostensibly more ambitious space program will be used to conceal his true intent, that is, the integration of resources to bring about technological innovation and economic transformation. The Obama administration may find itself facing a prickly problem from now on: how to resolve conflicts and grievances between all parties involved, and how best to allocate existing space flight resources in order to kill these two birds, namely the new space plan and technological innovation, with one stone.

Given that the goal of Obama’s new space program is to promote technological innovation and economic transformation in the post-recession era, there is no need for China to chase after this “trial balloon” which America is floating, nor is there any need to start an arms race with America in space. At the present time, China’s most pressing task is to seize the opportunity for economic recovery in the post-recession era, make changes to its patterns of development and upgrade its industrial structures in order to meet the new material foundations which will be firmly established by new technological innovation. Moreover, as for there being no government control of space, China and the U.S. together could actively seek to promote negotiations on the control of armaments in outer space, even concluding and signing an “International Treaty against Anti-Satellite Weaponry.” They could establish effective supervision of outer space and coordinate their respective organizations, leading the world toward peaceful use of space and gradually eliminating the arms race in outer space.

*Editor’s Note: This quotation, supposedly made by John F. Kennedy, is widespread among Chinese publications and speeches. However, the actual quotation, made by Lyndon B. Johnson is: “Control of space means control of the world.”



赵可金:中国不必与美国展开“太空竞赛”

 美国研发超过10年、功能和任务均列为最高机密的X-37B无人太空战机日前首次试飞。在此之前,美国总统奥巴马宣布了一项新太空计划,美国政府暂停布什政府提出的重返月球计划,把太空探索目的地从月球转为更远的火星。


  美国前总统肯尼迪曾预言:“谁控制了宇宙,谁就控制了地球:谁控制了空间,谁就控制了战争的主动权。”作为一个航天大国,美国深知谁能夺取制天权,就能赢得制信息权、制海权和制空权,从而赢得未来战争。强调变革的奥巴马总统在太空战略上其实并没有采取根本性的调整,其实质仍然是要一如既往地推行美国的太空霸权战略,继续充当“太空盟主”。但奥巴马极有可能在口里喊着推进美国太空霸权的“明修栈道”,内心深处可能在盘算着实现科技革命和经济转型的“暗渡陈仓”的路线图。


  可以看出,奥巴马在谋求太空霸权的手段上有了新的变化,更强调采取积极、务实和现实的综合手段抢占美国未来霸权的制高点。奥巴马的新太空计划除了出于整合军民航天资源,保持美国航天竞争力的谋划外,更重要的是出于实现美国技术革命和领先世界各国的考虑。奥巴马政府将直接挑战美国在航天和一系列关键技术领域中的底线,美国不再不紧不慢地盘算着技术创新扩散过程中的商业利润,而是越来越关注加紧进行技术革命的更新换代,将一切来自外界的竞争者远远抛在后面。


  奥巴马执政的美国绝非像有些舆论所说的那样正在处于衰落之中,而是软战略更软,硬战略更硬。奥巴马可以在一些软性政治议题比如与穆斯林世界的关系、寻求国际合作、修复美国形象等问题上说一些谦卑的话,但奥巴马绝不会做谦卑的事,在事关美国霸权的核心问题上,奥巴马的原则非常坚定。


  因此,奥巴马并没有像有些舆论所担忧的那样吹响了争夺“制天权”的进军号角.把愈演愈烈的太空军备竞赛推向顶峰。 相反,奥巴马政府“醉翁之意不在酒”的战略决定了今后国际竞争的核心仍然是科技竞争和劳动力素质提升。尤其是眼下受制于经济复苏乏力和各项改革百废待兴的紧要关头,NASA每年600多亿美元的巨额开支令奥巴马的经济复苏计划捉襟见肘,因此不排除奥巴马会暂停一些尖端的航天发展项目,并实施整合军、民两用航天资源的计划,只不过碍于国内不同意见的分歧,奥巴马不得不拿出一个“新太空计划”来敷衍舆论,用看上去更加雄心勃勃的新太空计划的名头掩盖其整合资源以实现技术革命和经济转型的实质。也许如何化解有关各方的矛盾与积怨,合理配置现有的航天资源,从而实现太空计划和科技革新的一举两得,将是奥巴马政府今后面临的一个棘手难题。


  既然奥巴马新太空计划是推动后危机时代的技术革命和经济转型,那么中国就没有必要追赶美国释放的“试探气球”,也没有必要和美国展开在太空领域的军备竞赛。当下中国首要的任务是抓住后危机时代全球经济复苏的机遇,实现发展方式的转变和产业结构的转型升级,为迎接新科技革命奠定坚实的物质基础。此外,针对太空领域可能出现的无政府状态,中国可以与美国一道积极寻求推动外空军备控制谈判,推动达成并签署《禁止反卫星武器的国际公约》,建立行之有效的外层空间监督、管理和协调机制,引导世界各国走上和平利用外空的正确轨道,逐步彻底消除太空军备竞赛,实现太空的永久和平。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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