Orphan Okinawa and the Japan-U.S. Alliance

Published in Takungpao
(China) on 10 May 2010
by Cheng Yan (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Huifang Yu. Edited by Catherine Harrington.
Cheng Yan: Fate of Okinawa Affects Japan-U.S. Alliance

In the past few days, Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has been anxious about Okinawa's Futenma base. Hatoyama was fighting for political power. He promised that, as long as he is in office, he would move the base out of the region (Okinawa) or overseas, but was opposed to Japan footing the bulk of relocation costs. Because of this, he won many votes in 2009. Yet the relocation continues to be delayed. From the current situation, it seems that the Hatoyama administration is unlikely to solve the issue of moving the Futenma base.

Resolving the Okinawa problem would mean attempting to have an "equal relationship with the U.S.", which was raised as a campaign slogan. If this is the case, this definitely means that such an attempt would be utilitarian, temporary, and short-sighted. Hatoyama blindly wanted an equal footing with U.S. without any concrete long-term strategy for how to manage the issue of the U.S.-Japan alliance. This, apparently, is a gamble. The U.S. occupation of Japan after World War II became the starting point for the relationship between the U.S. and Japan. During this time period, the master and slave relationship became the basis of the relations between the U.S. and Japan.

Okinawa is a special place to the U.S., a former "military colony". This, however, goes against U.S. beliefs regarding sovereignty, freedom, and equality. Japan and the U.S. have common values; however, these values disappeared in Okinawa, as it still remains controlled.

The Japanese government is constantly using Okinawa as a pawn — like an abandoned child on a military and political level. Towards the end of World War II, as the U.S. and Japan fought in Okinawa, many Okinawan soldiers and civilians died. Some Okinawans were regarded as U.S. spies and executed by Japanese soldiers or forced to commit mass suicide. Okinawa was sacrificed, which can also be regarded as "warfare abandonment." After the war ended, Japan announced its new constitution and disregarded Okinawans by excluding them from deliberations on the Peace Constitution.

Japan and the U.S. signed a treaty in 1951, providing the U.S. Army with an institutional basis for a permanent presence in Japan. In Article 3 of the security treaty*, which came into effect in 1960, Japan, in effect, ceded to the U.S. complete control over Okinawa.

Until the mid 70s, Japan moved about 75 percent of U.S. military bases to Okinawa to avoid having the bases become a national political issue. In order to achieve its dream, Japan, a non-nuclear allied state, sacrificed Okinawa so that it could cooperate with the U.S. on many international issues and enjoy military and commercial intelligence with the U.S. Yet, Japan continues to view Okinawa as an alien presence, mistrusting and discriminating against the Okinawans — not only on an emotional level, but also on an institutional level. The best evidence of this is the Japanese decision to designate some Okinawans as spies during World War II and, subsequently, execute them.

Although Japan and the U.S. do have friction, the Japan-U.S. relationship is still Japan's most important diplomatic relation. Currently, Japan is still relying on the U.S. for many military, economic, and political needs, so it has not challenged the U.S. If Japan wants to modify the Okinawan situation, it will have to negotiate and gain recognition from the U.S. Therefore, Japan might have to use economic compensation to influence public opinion, in order to not weaken the foundation of the Japan-U.S. alliance.

It is not impossible to remove the military base from Okinawa. In November 1953, the U.S Vice President, then Richard Nixon, said, "the United States will continue to control Okinawa as long as the communist threat exists." Today, the relationship between China and the U.S. has changed dramatically. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has declared that America's relationship with China would be the most important bilateral relationship in the world.

Recognizing this change has made Japan realize that it is unable to maintain the status quo in the Japan-U.S. alliance. Only when there is a change in the conditions of the U.S.-Japan alliance will there be a change on the issue of the Okinawa military base and subsequent changes, as well. But this will no doubt take a long time.

(Author is a Beijing Academy of Social Sciences Associate Researcher)

* Editor's Note: Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States of America


陈言:冲绳命运是日美同盟风向标

近几天,日本首相鸠山由纪夫因冲绳普天间基地搬迁问题无解而情绪焦躁。2009年鸠山在争夺政权时,承诺如执政,就将普天间基地移到“县外”或者 “国外”,并反对由日本支付大部分搬迁费用,因此而赢得不少选票。而如今,关于普天间搬迁问题的解决时间却一拖再拖。从现状看,鸠山政权作出5月底之前解决普天间基地搬迁问题的决断基本无望。


  既然解决冲绳问题,争取与美国的“对等外交”是作为一个竞选口号提出的,那么,这必然存在其功利性、短暂性和短视性。鸠山在没有就如何处理美日同盟问题制定出长期战略的情况下,就盲目要求与美国平起平坐,显然非常冒险。美国占领日本即成为二战后美日关系的起点,其间所形成的主从关系也是美日关系的基本形态。


  冲绳对于美日而言,都是一个特殊的地方。对美国而言,冲绳无疑类似于一个“军事殖民地”,这与自由、平等和国民主权的美国建国精神是相违背的。日美享有共通的价值观,然而这种价值观在冲绳却不见踪影,冲绳依然受到强权控制。


  事实上,日本政府在军事和政治制度上一直就把冲绳当作棋子和弃子来使用。二战末期美日冲绳一战中,不少冲绳士兵和民众死亡,而其中部分冲绳民众则被视为美国间谍遭到日军虐杀,或者是在日军强迫下集体自杀。这场战争也可以说是把冲绳当作牺牲品的“弃子战”。二战结束后日本颁布新宪法,把冲绳“县民”作为弃子排除在“和平宪法”的审议过程之外。


  1951年日美安保条约的签订,为美军在日本的永久驻扎提供制度依据。1960年生效的“对日和平条约”的第3条则规定,日本承认美国对冲绳有施行全面统治的权力。到上世纪70年代中叶,日本将75%的美军基地都集中到了冲绳,以此避免基地问题成为全国性的政治焦点。而在核保护伞下生存的非正常国家日本,则通过牺牲冲绳与美国共享军事和商业情报,在诸多国际问题上密切合作,来逐步实现其大国梦想。虽然冲绳已被纳入日本的体制,但日本一直把冲绳视为异己的存在,不仅在感情上、而且在制度上猜忌和歧视冲绳人。二战期间日本人把冲绳人当作间谍而将其残害,就是日本人对冲绳态度的最好明证。


  日美之间虽然有摩擦,但日美关系仍然是日本最重要的外交基石:日本目前在军事、经济和政治方面都要依赖美国,还没有挑战美国的实力。日本要想就冲绳问题修改或调整条约,必然要与美国谈判、协商,得到美方的认可。因此,日本当局很可能使用经济补偿的手段来贿赂民意,短期内不会动摇日美同盟这个基础。


  长远地看,撤除冲绳基地并非没有可能。1953年11月,时任美国副总统的尼克松在视察冲绳基地时说:“只要有共产主义的威胁,美国就不会放弃冲绳。”如今,中美关系已经发生了重大变化,美国国务卿希拉里•克林顿称,美中关系是世界上最重要的两国关系。正是认识到这一变化,让日本看到,无法把日美同盟作为永久的保险。可见,只有当美日同盟的条件有所变化时,冲绳基地的功能和棋子作用才能发生改变。但是,这无疑将是一个漫长的历史过程。▲ (作者是北京市社会科学院副研究员。)
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