Say “No” to U.S. Aircraft Carriers: Chinese Public Diplomacy Must Show Its Strength

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 7 July 2010
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Brian Tawney. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
The Americans have not revealed whether they intend to have aircraft carriers in the Yellow Sea. This piece of news has already caused unanimous disgust among the Chinese people, but at the same time everyone has also reached another consensus as well: the U.S. aircraft carriers will inevitably come and China has no option but to accept this reality. The majority of us don’t even seriously consider any other options, gauging the situation as we habitually do. In fact, it does not need to be this way.

Imagine, for a moment, that America was in China’s position. How many approaches would they have for opposing a position taken by another country? The U.S. has a great many sharp-tongued media outlets to issue loud challenges, there are members of Congress with rigorous schemes and careful calculations to submit proposals, and they also have the cooperation of an enormously complex yet very powerful public diplomatic army, which is made up of countless public groups, companies and organizations.

With regard to the Yellow Sea issue, however, China is in a bit of an awkward position. The official reaction clearly cannot be too strong, or else it could put China on the spot, and there could be a strategic conflict between China and the United States. But to do nothing, and to say nothing, will be a bitter pill for Chinese society to swallow, and the aircraft carriers will truly come, making the threat to Chinese security very real.

It will not be easy for China to find a suitable position to take between these two extremes. But we cannot take the easy way out and give up simply because it is difficult. We might as well use the Yellow Sea issue as a baptism for Chinese public diplomacy.

When one mentions public diplomacy, one thinks of promoting consensus, of constructive dialog, and other such notions. In fact, public diplomacy also has an aggressive side in terms of showing strength and shaping public opinion. If we use this aspect of diplomacy well, it could contribute to improved understanding among involved parties.

China has often fallen into this kind of predicament in recent years. As China’s national power has grown, the nation’s interests have also expanded, but trouble often spreads faster than diplomatic strength. This is because an increase in a nation’s power doesn’t automatically translate into increased tools for national diplomacy. Only if there are powerful channels of public diplomacy can this kind of transformation become complete.

Any government must use a soft touch in handling diplomatic crises, and radicalism is out of place in every nation’s foreign ministry. But among the people of China there is a power that should scare the governments of the United States and other Western powers. The Chinese people have contributed the hard currency that purchases America’s national debt, propping up numerous American companies responsible for the financial crisis. The U.S. has neither the reason nor the will to begrudge the needs of these Chinese people. We should create even more channels by which these needs can be fully voiced and admonish America. We should activate the brainpower of 1.3 billion people, encourage their enthusiasm, and put together a series of rational approaches that could genuinely prick the United States and make them feel the pain. We must toughen the people’s patriotism through real incidents — to shape their own experience in offense and defense — and thus become a force for strengthening Chinese diplomacy at a critical time.

We must recognize that for great countries like China and the United States, good relations are not necessarily friendly ones. This is the case even if what we want is impossible. China must speak out publicly and voice its own true ideas. The people should speak in a way that takes America to task. The people should also use non-governmental means to punish the U.S. for infringing upon our interests. America needs to get used to the candidness of the Chinese people and not be amazed when China gets tough. I’m afraid only this will make for better Chinese-American relations. In interacting with the United States, leave it to the people to probe the issue and take a stand. Perhaps the current Yellow Sea dispute is just such an opportunity.


对美国航母说不,中国民间外交应当发力

  美军航母究竟来不来黄海,美国人至今不露一点儿口风。这个消息已在中国民间掀起一致的反感,但大家似乎也形成了另一个共识———美航母真的要来,中国除了接受这一现实,并没什么招。我们大多数人甚至都没有认真地评估别的可能性,就习惯性地下了判断。其实事情未必就这样。


  设想一下,如果美国和中国换个位置,它该有多少招来对付中国?美国有众多尖酸刻薄的媒体大声叫阵,有老谋深算的国会议员提交议案,还有数不清的民间团体、企业组织等庞杂却力量强大的“外交民兵”配合。


  在黄海事件上,中国的处境有点尴尬。官方反应太过激显然不可取,有可能让中国下不来台,还可能造成中美战略冲撞。但什么都不做,什么都不说,不仅中国社会咽不下这口气,航母真来了,对中国安全的威胁是实实在在的。中国要在这两个极端之间,找到一个合适的点,是不容易的。但我们不能因为难,就轻易地放弃去尝试,不妨将这次黄海事件作为中国民间外交的一次洗礼。


  一讲民间外交,总会让人想起增进共识、有助沟通之类的词语,其实民间外交同样有展示实力,形成舆论攻势的一面。这一面用好了,同样也会有助于增进了解。


  这些年来,中国已多次遭遇这样的困境。中国国力强了,国家利益也越来越扩展,但麻烦增加的速度,往往比外交实力扩展的速度更快。原因就是,增强的国力并不会自动转化为更多的国家外交工具,需要有强大的民间外交通道,才能完成这样的转化。


  任何政府处理外交危机都需出手谨慎,激进与各国外交部无缘。但中国民间应当有让美国等西方政府忌惮的力量。中国民间贡献了购买美国国债的硬通货,支撑着众多因金融危机岌岌可危的美国企业,这样的中国人美国没理由、也不应有胆量蔑视他们的要求。应当创造更多的途径让这些要求充分表达出来,警告美国。应发动13亿人的智慧,鼓励他们的积极性,形成一系列理性的、可以真正戳痛美国的办法。要让民间的爱国主义经受具体事件的锻炼,形成进退有据的自律经验,从而成为关键时刻使得上劲的中国外交力量。


  应当看到,中美这样的大国“关系好”,并非一团和气。这点即使我们愿意也做不到。中国要把自己真实的想法公开讲出来,民间可以指着美国的鼻子说话。民间还可以用民间的方式,惩罚美国对我们利益的侵犯。美国需要适应中国民间的直率,而不是动不动惊讶于中国“变强硬”了,这恐怕才是“更好的”中美关系。与美国打交道,由民间探索、打头阵,当前的黄海角力,或许就是一个机会。▲
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