U.S.-China Relations: Unending Conflict and Friction
The U.S. special envoy, which included Deputy National Security Advisor Thomas E. Donilon, U.S. National Economic Council Director Lawrence Summers and U.S. National Security Council Senior Director of Asian Affairs Jeff Bader, concluded its visit to China on Sept. 8. Even though the visit was unable to resolve any of the many issues between the U.S. and China, it was not in vain: The envoy was able to meet with Hu Jintao and receive his promise to visit the United States.
The U.S. Special Envoy Visits China at a Sensitive Time
The timing of the U.S. special envoy visit came at a time that was awkward to both parties. From China’s point of view, U.S.-Korean military exercises will continue until the end of the year, and Washington has advertised that the U.S.S. George Washington aircraft carrier may enter the highly politically sensitive Yellow Sea at any time. In addition, Japan and the U.S. have planned island-seizing exercises to be held before December of this year — the main purpose being that should China occupy the Diayu Islands, the U.S.-Japanese naval and air forces will be able to recapture them.
Furthermore, the U.S. did not send Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg. At the end of July, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was at the annual ASEAN Regional Forum in Hanoi, Vietnam. Due to the disagreement over sovereignty of the South China Sea flaring up into a dispute, the U.S. skipped over the Department of State and changed the roster to include Deputy Advisor Donilon. Especially egregious to Beijing is that after the American arms sales to Taiwan in the beginning of the year, the U.S. once again conducted arms sales — this time in August — supplying Taiwan with fighter aircraft radar.
As for the U.S., Steinberg and Bader visited China in March to invite Hu Jintao for the nuclear security summit in New York, a trip that Beijing has ridiculed as an “apology tour.” The purpose of the current trip to China is similar; one can imagine the burning satire and freezing irony that will come out of the mainland. What is more, the U.S. holding military exercises in waters near China reeks with overtones of drawing a red line with Beijing; however, it is now respectful and submissive — is this not flip-flopping from arrogance to humility?
U.S.-China Attitudes Contain Elements of a Play
Both the U.S. and China are seen as the world’s superpowers, and it is not the first time that the two countries have faced grimmer situations than the current military exercises. Even if Beijing’s reception of Donilon, Summers and Bader is a bit cold and cheerless, it is all a show for its people and netizens to see. Similarly, the Beijing announcement that the Renminbi exchange rate will not submit to pressure was also said for its people and netizens to hear; Summers’ pre-trip announcement that Congress should enact legislation requiring the appreciation of the Renminbi is filled with the same play-acting.
While the U.S. is still near Chinese waters conducting military exercises, talks between the U.S. and North Korean envoys have never broken off; a “two-handed policy” has always been a key factor of U.S. foreign policy. Yet, going from last year’s death of the “Six-Party Talks” at the hands of Kim Jong-il to current wishes for a resurrection requires a certain process. After all, as a democratic country, the U.S. has to leave itself some face.
Luckily, both the U.S. and China understand the general situation, and both know that treading lightly makes more sense — at least it is easier to solve problems that way than when making a big scene. On the second-to-last day of the American special envoy’s visit, General Secretary Hu received Donilon, Summers and Bader, in one stroke sweeping away the haze of cold and cheerlessness and giving the special envoy some face time. More importantly, Hu Jintao obviously did not make things difficult for these officials; since it was said previously that the trip to the U.S. would be delayed, the trip might as well be delayed until next year. However, for the U.S., it is inevitable that “a long night brings many dreams,” and many variables could arise in the coming months.
At the beginning of Obama’s term, the U.S. and China did not have to undergo a period of familiarization for the first time since the Cold War. Instead, the two countries went straight into a honeymoon period, thinking that anything could be achieved through cooperation. The problem is, the honeymoon ended in January. The couple reconciled and started another honeymoon. Unexpectedly, the honeymoon ruptured in May. In retrospect, it is not bad for the U.S. and China to first go through familiarization. Only through such a period can both sides learn which issues are worthy of — and capable of — cooperation. Only then will both sides learn to value such chances.
The U.S. Special Envoy Visits China at a Sensitive Time
The timing of the U.S. special envoy visit came at a time that was awkward to both parties. From China’s point of view, U.S.-Korean military exercises will continue until the end of the year, and Washington has advertised that the U.S.S. George Washington aircraft carrier may enter the highly politically sensitive Yellow Sea at any time. In addition, Japan and the U.S. have planned island-seizing exercises to be held before December of this year — the main purpose being that should China occupy the Diayu Islands, the U.S.-Japanese naval and air forces will be able to recapture them.
Furthermore, the U.S. did not send Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg. At the end of July, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was at the annual ASEAN Regional Forum in Hanoi, Vietnam. Due to the disagreement over sovereignty of the South China Sea flaring up into a dispute, the U.S. skipped over the Department of State and changed the roster to include Deputy Advisor Donilon. Especially egregious to Beijing is that after the American arms sales to Taiwan in the beginning of the year, the U.S. once again conducted arms sales — this time in August — supplying Taiwan with fighter aircraft radar.
As for the U.S., Steinberg and Bader visited China in March to invite Hu Jintao for the nuclear security summit in New York, a trip that Beijing has ridiculed as an “apology tour.” The purpose of the current trip to China is similar; one can imagine the burning satire and freezing irony that will come out of the mainland. What is more, the U.S. holding military exercises in waters near China reeks with overtones of drawing a red line with Beijing; however, it is now respectful and submissive — is this not flip-flopping from arrogance to humility?
U.S.-China Attitudes Contain Elements of a Play
Both the U.S. and China are seen as the world’s superpowers, and it is not the first time that the two countries have faced grimmer situations than the current military exercises. Even if Beijing’s reception of Donilon, Summers and Bader is a bit cold and cheerless, it is all a show for its people and netizens to see. Similarly, the Beijing announcement that the Renminbi exchange rate will not submit to pressure was also said for its people and netizens to hear; Summers’ pre-trip announcement that Congress should enact legislation requiring the appreciation of the Renminbi is filled with the same play-acting.
While the U.S. is still near Chinese waters conducting military exercises, talks between the U.S. and North Korean envoys have never broken off; a “two-handed policy” has always been a key factor of U.S. foreign policy. Yet, going from last year’s death of the “Six-Party Talks” at the hands of Kim Jong-il to current wishes for a resurrection requires a certain process. After all, as a democratic country, the U.S. has to leave itself some face.
Luckily, both the U.S. and China understand the general situation, and both know that treading lightly makes more sense — at least it is easier to solve problems that way than when making a big scene. On the second-to-last day of the American special envoy’s visit, General Secretary Hu received Donilon, Summers and Bader, in one stroke sweeping away the haze of cold and cheerlessness and giving the special envoy some face time. More importantly, Hu Jintao obviously did not make things difficult for these officials; since it was said previously that the trip to the U.S. would be delayed, the trip might as well be delayed until next year. However, for the U.S., it is inevitable that “a long night brings many dreams,” and many variables could arise in the coming months.
At the beginning of Obama’s term, the U.S. and China did not have to undergo a period of familiarization for the first time since the Cold War. Instead, the two countries went straight into a honeymoon period, thinking that anything could be achieved through cooperation. The problem is, the honeymoon ended in January. The couple reconciled and started another honeymoon. Unexpectedly, the honeymoon ruptured in May. In retrospect, it is not bad for the U.S. and China to first go through familiarization. Only through such a period can both sides learn which issues are worthy of — and capable of — cooperation. Only then will both sides learn to value such chances.