America’s Alternative Polarization

Published in Lianhe Zaobao
(Singapore) on 28 October 2010
by Yu Shi Yu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by . Edited by Piotr Bielinski.
With the U.S. midterm elections around the corner, the Republicans have become aggressive through the rising force that is the tea party and are poised to take back the majority seats in the House, and even the Senate. President Obama and the Democrat congressional leaders, who made a clean sweep of the election two years ago, are facing a very awkward and difficult situation.

Most pundits agree that the fundamental reason for Obama’s and the Democrats’ political slippery slope was America’s continued weakness, especially with the unemployment rate remaining high. The lower- and middle-class did not even experience any upsides of the economy’s superficial rebound and are pessimistic and disappointed about their own prospects, as well as the country’s.

The economic quandary of the middle- and lower-class, however, is a sign of the intensifying polarization of incomes in American society for the past few decades. According to the Economist, from 1970 to 2008, America’s Gini coefficient had increased from 0.39 to 0.47. Since 2000, the actual median income of American families has been declining. The wealth and income of the rich, however, has been rising. The top 10 percent income was almost half of the income of the entire population, and the richest 1 percent possessed one-third of the entire wealth of the nation. The list goes on.

Such a sharp polarization of wealth should logically be in the favor of the Democrats who advocate “robbing the rich to help the poor.” The ingenious strategy of the Republicans and of the American right, however, was to turn the middle- and lower-class whites’ dissatisfaction with reality from the gap between the rich and the poor to America’s alternative societal alienation — the polarization of the fruits of elitist education and resources.

One basis for such a strategy is that the tolerance of the traditional American culture toward the gap between the rich and the poor far exceeds that of Europe. The attitude of “hating the rich” was lower than that of Europe. However, American culture is very sensitive about upgrading opportunities in society. The Republicans made subtle use of such a social culture, as well as polarized American society in the area of elitist education to encourage and provoke the “hating of the elites” mentality in the middle- and lower-class whites. The Republicans are making a comeback in the midterm elections.

The polarization of the American elitist education has direct relation with the meritocracy that the American elitist education promoted after World War II. Under such a principle, the American elitist education opened itself to selection of elites from all strata of society based on the criterion of capability, having turned from its previous practice of giving privileges to mainly blue-blood families. The products of the American elitist education have also turned from mainly wealthy and powerful white men to a wider representation of the different races. President Obama is the best example of such a historic change.

The Educational System of the Elites Has Become the Scarecrows of Division in Society

The problem is that the “capability” here is still basically based on the objectively quantifiable academic results. The intense competition for elitist education opportunities led to a continual rise in academic and other admission criteria, and its cumulative effect was that, other than Asians, the American elitist education opportunities were gradually becoming limited to the upper class and elite families who have financial and societal resources, and who place importance on the development of their children’s education and intellect.

Even for the blacks, and other minorities in the Ivy League institutions who were “taken care” of by the Affirmative Action policy, the statistics showed that the vast majority of them came from the rich upper class. Obama, who was raised by his rich maternal grandparents and graduated from a noble high school, is yet another example.

Though the Republican upper class represented by George Bush Jr., an alumni of both Yale and Harvard, is also a product of the elitist education, the Republicans have shrewdly maintained an anti-elitist idea with a grassroots movement. When Democrat Obama became president, however, he conspicuously established an elite cabinet administration with the strongest Ivy League colors since President Kennedy.

In summary, the product of the American elitist education does have a strong liberal leaning. For instance, among Harvard students, 72 percent admitted that their political attitude is more left-leaning than America as a whole, and only 10 percent thought themselves to be more right-leaning.

At the same time, under the mega trend of globalization, the social upgrading opportunities in America will gradually be dependent on specialized knowledge, and a large number of blue-collar middle-class workers will be pushed, and their economic and social statuses will continue to slide. They cannot help but develop or intensify their grudge against the upper-class elites.

The Republicans and the tea party thus blatantly publicize this: The Democrat liberal elites are enjoying high positions and living in comfort, and do not empathize with those below; they are out of touch with the lives of American commoners. This resonated with a large number of middle- and lower-class whites who were facing employment and economic difficulties. Obama and the Democrat leaders were not only faced with enormous pressure in the midterm elections, as newspapers like the New York Times, the Washington Post and the Wall Street Journal have pointed out, but the whole elite class felt the “suppression” under the tea party. Former Harvard headmaster Lawrence H. Summers’ resignation as Obama’s premier economic consultant is closely tied to such political pressure and is representative of a sacrifice under the Republicans’ “hate the elite” strategy.


美国国会中期选举在即,共和党借风起云涌的“茶叶党人”运动咄咄逼人,大有可能一举夺回众议院甚至参众两院的多数,两年前风卷残云上台的奥巴马总统和民主党国会领袖,面临十分尴尬的困难局面。

  大多数论客都同意:奥巴马和民主党的政治滑坡,根本原因是美国经济持续不振,尤其是失业率居高不下,中下阶层根本没有感受到经济表面回升的任何好处,而对自身以及整个国家的前途悲观失望。

   但是中下阶层的经济困境,是美国社会几十年来在经济收入上两极分化不断加剧的征象。据《经济学家》周刊,从1970到2008年,美国的基尼系数从 0.39增加到0.47。从2000年起,美国家庭实际收入中位数持续下降。与此同时,有钱阶级的财富和收入却不断增加,最高一成的收入占了全民收入的几 乎一半,最富1%人口拥有全美财富三分之一,等等。

  如此尖锐的财富两极分化,照理说应该有利于主张“劫富济贫”的民主党。但是共和党和美国右翼的政治妙策,却是将中下层白人群体对现实的不满,从贫富差距转向美国的另类社会异化——精英教育成果和资源的两极分化。

   这种策略的一个基础,是美国传统文化对贫富差距的容忍度远远超过欧洲,“仇富”心态则低于欧洲,但是美国文化对社会上升机会则非常敏感。共和党巧妙地利 用这样的社会文化,以及美国社会在精英教育领域的两极分化,鼓励和激起中下层白人的“仇精英”心理,而在目前的中期选举中卷土重来。

  美 国精英教育的两极分化,与二战结束以来美国精英教育界推行的“凭才取人(meritocracy)”原则直接有关。在这一原则下,美国精英教育从所谓“蓝 血世家”特权,转向按照“才能”标准选拔的社会各阶层精英开放。美国精英教育的“产品”,也从以前白人权贵富家子弟为主,转到更广泛的各种族群代表。奥巴 马总统是这一历史性演变的最好例子。

教育精英成为社会分化的稻草人

  问题是这里的“才能”标准,基本上还是以可以客观量化 的学业成绩为主。而精英教育机会的剧烈竞争,导致成绩和其他入学标准的不断升高,其累积效果,是除了亚裔之外,美国精英教育机会日益限于具有经济资源和社 会资源、从小注重子女教育和智力开发的上层阶级以及知识精英家庭。

  即便是常春藤校园里受到平权政策“照顾”的黑人和其他少数民族学生,统计表明绝大多数来自家境富裕的中上阶层。由有钱外祖父母抚养长大、贵族中学毕业的奥巴马又是一个例子。
还有《华盛顿邮报》近日指出的美国精英男女彼此通婚的社会风气(奥巴马和克林顿夫妇都是例子),强化了美国精英教育机会在上层阶级中的世袭趋向,进一步加宽了精英阶层与一般中下阶层平民的社会距离。

  虽然小布什总统这一耶鲁、哈佛双料校友代表的共和党上层也是精英教育的产品,但是共和党近年来却精明地对草根阶层维持了一种反精英主义表象,民主党奥巴马当选总统后,却醒目地建立了肯尼迪总统以来,最具常春藤色彩的精英内阁政府。

  总体说来,美国精英教育产品也确实具有强烈的自由派偏向。例如哈佛学生中,72%承认政治态度比美国整体偏左,只有10%认为自己比美国整体偏右。

  与此同时,在全球化大势下,美国的社会上升机会日益依靠专业知识,大批没有受过大学教育的蓝领中产阶层因此受到挤压,经济和社会地位不断下滑,不能不产生或加剧对上层精英的一种怨恨。

   共和党与“茶叶党人”因之大肆宣传:民主党自由派精英高高在上,养尊处优,“不识稼穑之艰”,与美国平民生活脱节,获得了面临就业和经济困境的大量中下 层白人的共鸣。不仅奥巴马和民主党领袖在中期选举中遭到巨大压力,《纽约时报》、《华盛顿邮报》、《华尔街日报》等都指出,整个精英阶层都感受到来自茶叶 党人的“讨伐”。哈佛前校长萨默斯行将辞去奥巴马首席经济顾问,与这一政治压力密切相关,也是共和党“仇精英”策略的牺牲品代表。
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