U.S. Midterm Elections Unlikely to Significantly Affect Relations with China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 04 November 2010
by Yin Jiwu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Kate Yu. Edited by Andysheh Dadsetan.
Relations between the United States and China have historically been a major topic in American elections. Presidential, congressional and gubernatorial candidates alike take it upon themselves to make swipes at China, creating many questions about the direction of future U.S. policy toward China. While China had prepared for the worst with each of the four U.S. presidents elected since the Cold War, the reality is that such worst case scenarios have rarely happened.

Several patterns between U.S. elections and U.S.-China relations have been observed in the past 20 years. First, it is almost impossible for the China issue to not become a contentious topic. Be it human rights, Taiwan, military power, trade or the exchange rate, the two U.S. parties can always find something about China to bicker over. This shows that attacking China, or attacking the opponent's proposed policies towards China, is done merely to gain votes. The attackers may not have been to China and may not know anything about China at all, but they do know the rules of the electoral game. They know that criticizing China will help them win votes. Indeed, one of the defining characteristics of U.S. politics is that the parties criticize each other.

On the other hand, this shows China's increasing influence on U.S. politics. The USSR had been the talking point during the Cold War, and China did not receive as much attention after the Cold War as it does now. In short, the country that is perceived to be a potential rival to the US will be the country of debate during electoral season. Now that China's rise is widely expected, it is worth talking about in the effort to woo votes.

Secondly, we can see that the influence of presidential and midterm elections have diminished when it comes to bilateral relations. George W. Bush had promised during his first campaign that he will treat China as a rival, and he was able to do so in the early days of his presidency. He soon gave up that rhetoric as terrorism made America more reliant on China. Thus, as China's clout increases and the interdependence between America and China grows, electoral results will cause less uncertainty in their relationship.

Candidates are free to talk about China during the campaign season. However, once elected, they are somewhat obligated not to significantly alter the existing state of U.S.-China relations. With such a pattern, electoral results are unlikely to shake up bilateral relations. The President, Congress, Democrats and Republicans alike are forced to recognize that a stable relationship with China is important to America's national interests. Thus they cannot make revolutionizing bilateral relations the goal of their political career. The interdependence of the two countries and the rising clout of China dictate a stable, secure relationship between the two. While the political parties and politicians themselves may have differing opinions towards China, they have to follow this model once they are elected. Thus, while we cannot completely ignore the issues raised during American elections, we do not need to feel threatened. Follow the elections for entertainment and treat the rhetoric rationally; this way we can demonstrate the class and substance of the Chinese.

As China continues to develop, we should also become more confident in ourselves. The gap between China and the U.S. is narrowing and thus inevitably China is gaining more initiative in bilateral relations. Such gains are rooted in China's sustained economic growth and the stability of domestic society. As long as China maintains a mature internal society and continues to grow as a country, it will be able to take control of its relationship with the United States.

The author is an Assistant Professor at the Beijing Foreign Studies University's School of International Relations and Diplomacy.


  以历史经验来看,中美互动每逢美国选举年,都会遭遇一定的舆论风波。无论美国总统候选人,还是中期选举时的诸多议员州长候选人,都会不时地对华叫嚷,让中国每次都对新政府、新国会的对华政策充满疑虑。然而,冷战后美国换了四位总统,中国对美国各类重大选举候选人过激言论的最坏推测,却从未在后来的事实中得到过证实。

  20年了,我们应该能总结美国选举与中美关系的几条规律了。第一,在美国重大选举中,不炒作中国话题,几乎是不可能的。或人权,或台海,或军力,或经贸,或汇率,美国选举的两党总是能“炮制”出各类中国话题。

  这一方面让人看透美国选举的“技术含量”。攻击中国,或者批评竞选对手的中国政策,无非只是为了争选票而已。那些攻击者可能从未来过中国,可能对中国问题一窍不通,但他们深谙“选举游戏规则”,拿中国当批判抓手,有助于自己得分。事实上,美国政治设计的重大特征之一,就在于党际的相互攻讦和斗争。

  另一方面,我们又可以从中反衬了中国因素对美国政坛日益提升的影响力。冷战期间的美国重大选举,中国话题不如苏联来得火;冷战结束初期,中国话题也不如现在火。反正哪个国家是美国的潜在竞争对手,哪个国家就更容易成为美国选举的话题。现在中国崛起势头越猛,炒作中国话题就更有选票意义。

  第二,最近20年中美关系发展,我们看到大选与中期选举影响已经逐步“式微”。如果说小布什执政初期,其竞选前大嚷要把中国视为“竞争对手”的口号,一度还得能以“兑现”,但由于恐怖袭击却使美国不得不倚重中国,那么当中国实力不断加强,中美之间的相互依存程度加深,选举结果给中美关系带来的不确定性正变得越来越小。

  在选举中,是否炒作中国带有某种弹性,但一旦选举成功,不搅翻中美大局就带有某种强制力。在这样的规律下,美国选举结果很难撼动中美关系大局,这直接表现为无论是总统还是国会,无论是民主党还是共和党,都不能无视中美大局稳定对于美国国家利益的重要性,也不可能将颠覆中美关系视为自己执政生涯的目标。中美利益的相互依存与中国力量的不断提升决定了中美大局的稳定性与确定性。尽管政党自身以及议员个人或许存在不同的对华态度和世界观,但无论哪个党派夺得美国选举胜利,最后都得回归到正常的对华关系和对华利益考量中来。基于此,美国选举热闹非凡,我们虽不能熟视无睹,也不必过于紧张。理性冷眼相观,就像看一场政治娱乐大片一样来观察美国选举,反而有助于浇灭对方借机说事的投机行为,更显示出中国人的大国心态。

  在中国发展持续展现出亮点的情况下,我们更应树立更多的自信。中美实力接近的未来大国关系结构,使中国不可避免地掌握越来越多的主动权。这种主动权的基础,最为根本的因素,就是在于中国的持续发展和增长,以及国内政治与社会的稳定。只要中国维持一个成熟的国内社会与不断增长的国家实力,中美关系就始终会处于中国可控的状态之下。

(作者是北京外国语大学国际关系学院副教授。)
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