What Is the Biggest Mistake in Obama’s Visit to Asia?

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 19 November 2010
by Tang Jianduan (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Rose Zu. Edited by Alex Brewer.
Obama’s recent visit to Asia has been called an unsuccessful trip. One of the biggest shortcomings was his inability to sign a free trade agreement with South Korea.

Initiated from U.S.-Korean free trade talks during the Bush administration, an agreement would bring an increase of $1 billion of exports and create 70,000 job opportunities per year. Obama knew this full well and pledged as early as his June visit to South Korea that an agreement would be signed at the November G20 summit. However, when the leaders met and Obama asked that the other’s car market be further opened up, South Korea refused, running aground the agreement.

In a recent article, the Washington Post revealed that compared to a year earlier, when leading South Korean officials were falling over each other in order to curry favor with the visiting Obama, at this return to the G20 summit, regardless of whether it was Lee Myung-bak or any other leading South Korean official, all lacked warmth with Obama.

When Lee Myung-bak and Obama were together, a reporter asked: are you worried that American economic policies will trigger inflation? He replied, “I think that kind of question should be asked to me when President Obama is not standing right next to me.” This indirectly yet clearly conveyed his dissatisfaction with the U.S.

This article believes that, compared to other countries, the U.S. should have more influence with South Korea because there are still tens of thousands of soldiers stationed there to “protect Korea’s prosperity.”

And Korea makes me believe that the reasons for Obama’s return home with his tail between his legs, when success was just within his grasp, include pressure from domestic companies but more importantly, a worry that because of Obama’s losses in the midterm elections, he will not have the ability to push the agreement through Congress. Time magazine therefore believes that the inability to sign the agreement is just like the U.S.’s inability to lead the processes of the G20 summit, both indicating that American influence is ebbing.

However, Obama’s visit to Asia magnified the fact that the U.S.’s determination strengthens the schematic diagram of its influence.

This year, when Obama announced again that he would visit Asia, explicitly indicating that he would serve as the leader of Asia, he effectively saw China as a stumbling block on the path to leadership. In this returning trip to four countries, China can be said to be as inseparable as a shadow.

When visiting India: Obama outlined a list of several hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of military transport machines for India. Indian public opinion believes that these planes have the ability to quickly deploy armed forces to the disputed land between China and India, significantly increasing India’s ability for deterrence in its strategy with China.

When visiting Indonesia: He vaguely said that the “lack of freedom and prosperity is poverty,” which was taken widely as a reflection on China.

When visiting Japan: He clearly knew that China wishes to peacefully resolve the dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands, yet he declared the need to be “unshakeable” in defending Japan and called Japan a “model citizen,” yet said that China needed to “act appropriately, adopting an attitude of responsibility.”* The instigation here is obvious.

When visiting South Korea: He gave a speech at the Yongsan Garrison, saying that “[The Korean War] was no tie … It was a victory then, and it is a victory today.” Of the widely-known confession by American commander Clark — “I was the first American commander to put his signature to a paper ending a war when we did not win it” — he was completely unaware.

The U.S. wants to lead the most economically energetic region in the world. The U.S. wants to regain its lost influence. This can be understood, but the problem lies in the implications. Obama’s four-country trip in Asia basically used a sharp sword as support for working in the U.S.’s interest.

Furthermore, public opinion says that the U.S. is trying to surround China and put it into a “metal barrel.” China has never been afraid of being surrounded. At the same time, it hopes to be in a win-win situation with all countries in Asia Pacific, including the U.S.

*Editor’s Note: This quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


奥巴马亚洲之行的最大败笔是什么

奥巴马最近亚洲之行被美国舆论认为是一次不成功之旅,其中最大的挫败是未能与韩国签署自由贸易协定。
  由布什政府启动的美韩自由贸易谈判,如成功签署,每年将给美国新增100亿美元的出口、创造7万个工作机会。奥巴马对此似乎成竹在胸,早在今年6月访问韩国时就保证说,将在11月G20峰会期间与韩方签署协定。然而当双方首脑会面、奥巴马要求对方进一步开放汽车市场时,韩国却没有同意,导致协议搁浅。
  《华盛顿邮报》近日刊文透露,与一年前韩国高层官员对到访奥巴马争相“讨好”相比,这回在G20峰会上,无论李明博还是其他韩国官员都对奥巴马缺乏热情。
当李明博和奥巴马在一起时有记者问李明博:是否担心美国的经济政策引发韩国通货膨胀?他回答,“这样的问题应该在奥巴马不在我旁边时问”,间接但明确地传达了对美国的不满。
文章认为,与其他国家相比,美国应该对韩国最有影响力,因为现在仍有数万军队驻扎韩国以“保卫韩国的繁荣”。
而韩国让自以为稳操胜券的奥巴马无功而返,其中虽有国内企业的压力,更主要的是担心奥巴马因中期选举失败而无法保证在国会通过这一协定。《时代》周刊则认为,协议未能签署与美国未能主导G20峰会会议进程一样,表明美国影响力正在减退。
 但奥巴马的亚洲之行凸显了美国执意强化其影响力的意图。
今年以来,奥巴马一再高调宣布要重返亚洲,明确表示要充当亚洲领导,同时似乎把中国视为其通往领导之路的绊脚石。在这回四国之行中,中国可说是如影随形。
访问印度时:奥巴马给印度开出了数十亿美元的军用运输机清单,印度舆论认为,这种飞机有能力快速将军力部署到中印争议地区,从而使印度大幅提升对华战略威慑力。访问印尼时:他闪烁其词地说什么“缺乏自由的繁荣是贫困”,被普遍认为是在影射中国。
访问日本时:他明知中国希望和平解决中日钓鱼岛争端,却宣布要“毫不动摇”保卫日本,把日本称为“模范公民”,而中国则需“妥善行事,采取负责任态度”,挑拨之意跃然舌上。
访问韩国时:他在龙山美军基地发表演讲称,“朝鲜战争绝对不是没有胜负的战争,我们当时取得了胜利,现在仍然还是胜利者。”对当年美军司令克拉克那段众所周知的表白——“我成了历史上签订没有胜利的停战条约的第一位美国司令官”,他似乎全然不知。
  美国希望引领全球经济最有活力的地区,美国希望要追回失去的影响力,这可以理解,但问题通过什么途径。此次奥巴马的亚洲四国之行,似乎要用利剑做后盾来谋取利益,更有舆论称美国正企图把中国围在一个“铁桶”之中。中国从来不惧怕包围,同时更希望与包括美国在内的亚太所有国家互利共赢。
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