In East Asia, China and America Are Not in Competition
Sino-U.S. relations recently show no obvious sign for a better turn, even though a visit to America from Chinese President Hu Jintao is due in January. In Washington, after taking control of Congress, the Republicans are pressing the U.S. government to adopt a tougher China policy. A report published by U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission has criticized China’s economic and defense policy. The report said that China’s air force and modern missiles have increased its ability to pose a military threat to the Pacific region, and China’s exclusiveness of its trade policy is to blame for America’s huge trade deficit, hence suggesting that the Treasury Department should list China as a currency manipulator.
Though the report is no more than a platitude, it nevertheless reflects a deeper reason for the tense relations between China and America; that is, with China’s military and economic strength soaring up, America’s worries have upgraded into anxieties. As its power is decreasing, America, an empire sitting in the top chair among the world powers since World War II, is becoming more and more self-centered, and, facing its competitive rival, America is losing tolerance for China. Therefore, Republicans and Democrats are adopting highly similar policies regarding China and spreading the “China threat theory” has become a common interest.
The deterioration of the Sino-U.S. relations and confrontation between the two has brought considerable negative effects. Last week, Pyongyang provoked the whole world by showing off its newly built enriched uranium facilities to an American scientist. In the past two years, the issue of North Korean nuclear capacity has made no progress, an important reason being that China and America have yet to reach common ground on how to deal with North Korea. America tends to get tough on North Korea and has taken measures such as strengthening its coalition with South Korea and Japan, as well as employing an economic blockade to address North Korea’s unwillingness to give up its nuclear facilities. Yet such measures, especially in exerting pressure on Pyongyang, have jeopardized China’s national security. Therefore, the two countries have gone their separate ways on policies regarding North Korea. This has given North Korea an opportunity to make a splash in the international arena. Pyongyang’s nuclear provocation has struck a warning bell — if China and America are unable get along, we can begin counting off days to a third nuclear crisis.
The “cold war” between China and America not only complicates the North Korea nuclear issue but also deteriorates the peace and stability of the entire East Asian region. A year ago, East Asia was still dreaming of regional integration. Then-Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and then-Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd both proposed ambitious plans for regional integration. With rapport among countries within the region, the development of free trade zones and the currency reserves of East Asia, the concept of an East Asia community was conceived and encouraged. But since 2010, with America’s return to involvement in East Asian affairs and the competition for regional influence with China, the entire East Asia situation is becoming more nuanced and complicated. The dream of a “Great East Asia” has been shattered by the merciless reality, and quite a few countries have been forced to choose a side between China and America.
Of course, some countries are not being forced to pick sides. On the issues of the South China Sea and Diaoyu Island, the U.S. government’s easy promises are pushing the countries concerned toward a frenzied attack against China. A situation like this surely pleases those Americans who oppose China blindly. Though by doing this America has raised its standing in the East Asia, it comes with negative effects as well. China will have to adopt a tougher counter policy and get back at America’s enmity by reducing cooperation in other areas. Meanwhile, too many empty promises will lead America into trouble.
Most importantly, the Asia-Pacific region cherishes the principle of opening-up, and East Asian countries have always seen America as one inseparable part of their region politically, economically and especially in terms of security. Therefore, America has no need to rack its brain to come up with a way to become involved in East Asian affairs to damage China’s interests. We can say that a prosperous, stable East Asia in fact generates more benefits than challenges to America.
China’s rise and the ensuing re-ranking of power in East Asia is inevitable, however reluctant America and some other countries may be. Even if the term G-2 exaggerates and overestimates China’s global power and influence, at a regional level China and America deciding the future of East Asia together is not a farfetched dream. Japan has lost its place as second in terms of global economic strength to China this year, an indicator of Japan’s fall in status and a mark of the official establishment of China’s status as a big power. East Asia will embrace a new era.
China and America are the two very pillars in this new era. The improvement of bilateral relations 30 years ago grew mainly out of concern about their respective national security. Today, the concern for national security has become the biggest obstacle for better Sino-U.S. relations, and the impetus for cooperation is coming more and more from economic and cultural undertakings by both sides but, more importantly, from global and regional issues. Whether it’s tackling the financial crisis or addressing climate change, whether it’s pushing the Doha Round forward or urging North Korea to give up its nuclear facilities, the world is experiencing a chaotic transition in the international order, and the solution to many global issues depends more and more on the common ground between China and America. This calls for China and America to think and act beyond their narrow sense of national security and instead form a more conductive strategic relationship.
Though the report is no more than a platitude, it nevertheless reflects a deeper reason for the tense relations between China and America; that is, with China’s military and economic strength soaring up, America’s worries have upgraded into anxieties. As its power is decreasing, America, an empire sitting in the top chair among the world powers since World War II, is becoming more and more self-centered, and, facing its competitive rival, America is losing tolerance for China. Therefore, Republicans and Democrats are adopting highly similar policies regarding China and spreading the “China threat theory” has become a common interest.
The deterioration of the Sino-U.S. relations and confrontation between the two has brought considerable negative effects. Last week, Pyongyang provoked the whole world by showing off its newly built enriched uranium facilities to an American scientist. In the past two years, the issue of North Korean nuclear capacity has made no progress, an important reason being that China and America have yet to reach common ground on how to deal with North Korea. America tends to get tough on North Korea and has taken measures such as strengthening its coalition with South Korea and Japan, as well as employing an economic blockade to address North Korea’s unwillingness to give up its nuclear facilities. Yet such measures, especially in exerting pressure on Pyongyang, have jeopardized China’s national security. Therefore, the two countries have gone their separate ways on policies regarding North Korea. This has given North Korea an opportunity to make a splash in the international arena. Pyongyang’s nuclear provocation has struck a warning bell — if China and America are unable get along, we can begin counting off days to a third nuclear crisis.
The “cold war” between China and America not only complicates the North Korea nuclear issue but also deteriorates the peace and stability of the entire East Asian region. A year ago, East Asia was still dreaming of regional integration. Then-Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and then-Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd both proposed ambitious plans for regional integration. With rapport among countries within the region, the development of free trade zones and the currency reserves of East Asia, the concept of an East Asia community was conceived and encouraged. But since 2010, with America’s return to involvement in East Asian affairs and the competition for regional influence with China, the entire East Asia situation is becoming more nuanced and complicated. The dream of a “Great East Asia” has been shattered by the merciless reality, and quite a few countries have been forced to choose a side between China and America.
Of course, some countries are not being forced to pick sides. On the issues of the South China Sea and Diaoyu Island, the U.S. government’s easy promises are pushing the countries concerned toward a frenzied attack against China. A situation like this surely pleases those Americans who oppose China blindly. Though by doing this America has raised its standing in the East Asia, it comes with negative effects as well. China will have to adopt a tougher counter policy and get back at America’s enmity by reducing cooperation in other areas. Meanwhile, too many empty promises will lead America into trouble.
Most importantly, the Asia-Pacific region cherishes the principle of opening-up, and East Asian countries have always seen America as one inseparable part of their region politically, economically and especially in terms of security. Therefore, America has no need to rack its brain to come up with a way to become involved in East Asian affairs to damage China’s interests. We can say that a prosperous, stable East Asia in fact generates more benefits than challenges to America.
China’s rise and the ensuing re-ranking of power in East Asia is inevitable, however reluctant America and some other countries may be. Even if the term G-2 exaggerates and overestimates China’s global power and influence, at a regional level China and America deciding the future of East Asia together is not a farfetched dream. Japan has lost its place as second in terms of global economic strength to China this year, an indicator of Japan’s fall in status and a mark of the official establishment of China’s status as a big power. East Asia will embrace a new era.
China and America are the two very pillars in this new era. The improvement of bilateral relations 30 years ago grew mainly out of concern about their respective national security. Today, the concern for national security has become the biggest obstacle for better Sino-U.S. relations, and the impetus for cooperation is coming more and more from economic and cultural undertakings by both sides but, more importantly, from global and regional issues. Whether it’s tackling the financial crisis or addressing climate change, whether it’s pushing the Doha Round forward or urging North Korea to give up its nuclear facilities, the world is experiencing a chaotic transition in the international order, and the solution to many global issues depends more and more on the common ground between China and America. This calls for China and America to think and act beyond their narrow sense of national security and instead form a more conductive strategic relationship.