How Can China Survive in Competition with the U.S.?

Published in Zaobao
(Singapore) on 8 January 2011
by Bi Kaiying (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew Hunter. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
An American academic once made the following prediction, “In the first half of the 21st century, it will be U.S.-China relations that shape the world, and in the second half it will be U.S.-Russian relations.” What we can gather from this statement of opinion is that, firstly, the 21st century will continue to be led by America, and secondly, that China will be unable to mature into a power to equal the U.S., but will decline as a competitor with the U.S. in the mid-21st century, replaced by Russia.

Any developing country is considered a challenge to America’s dominant position. From the 1950s onward, when the U.S. formally ascended the throne as world hegemon, it has used peaceful evolution and the arms race to dismantle the Soviet Union, and has used currency warfare to smash Japan. Both countries, at one time the second most important in the world, have gone into decline through competition with the U.S. Now China, too, is approaching a similar position and whether it likes it or not, it must accept that it is in competition with the U.S. And yet, China does not have the military capability that the Soviet Union once had; nor does it have the economic strength that Japan once had; its disparity with the U.S. is greater than either of those former competitors. For China to seek victory in its competition with the U.S. is almost a folly; praying for survival — that is, for the country not to disintegrate, and for the economy to not slip into decline — is a more realistic goal.
  
So how can China survive its competition with the U.S.?

First, on the technological level: He that masters new technology leads the world of tomorrow.

A comprehensive history of world development shows that the rise of any great country is heavily supported by technology. Ancient China’s long stint as world leader was thanks to the four great Chinese inventions — paper, printing, the magnetic compass and gunpowder — as well as technology such as ceramic production and silk weaving; Britain’s rise was thanks to steam power; Germany’s rise owed much to the internal combustion engine; and America’s leading position in the world today is based on electricity, information technology and space technology, among others.

What technology will China look to for its development? It cannot rely on cheap labor, nor can it rely on real estate; it must first exploit new technologies to lead the world in the future, and secondly, it must close the technology gap between itself and the U.S. as quickly as possible. This is the kind of competitiveness found in a nation’s development!

(A) Which new technologies will lead the future of the world?

What kinds of technology will lead the world into the future? The first is energy technology. The world’s energy supply is currently met largely by oil and coal, which are nonrenewable, and could well be exhausted within the next few hundred years or even the next few decades. In the future, whichever country is able to develop renewable energy sources to replace coal and oil, be it nuclear energy, hydroelectric, wind, solar energy, or biomass, will also be able to lead the world. The second is electrically-powered transport technology. Currently, the vast majority of machinery is fueled by oil, whereas most newly-exploited energy sources are stored as electrical energy. If the electric engine replaces the petrol engine, and becomes widely used in cars, planes, tanks, and boats, this could be as significant as the first industrial revolution.

The third is resource recycling technology. The world’s current resources are limited. Coal and oil are obvious examples, but there will also come a day when metal mining deposits, which are exploited without controls, are completely exhausted. China is currently sourcing resources from around the world to sustain its economic growth, and if it cannot exploit resource recycling technologies, then its economic development will not be able to withstand a rupture in the supply chain.

If China wants to survive its competition with the U.S. or to achieve sustainable development, it must put more effort into new energy technology, electric motor technology and resource recycling technology, and strive to make groundbreaking advances before America. Whoever is first to master these technologies will be the one to lead the world.

(B) Closing the technology gap with the U.S. as quickly as possible.

The current gap between China and America in terms of electronic technology is relatively small, but in terms of information and space technology, the gap remains very large. In the past, when Sino-Japanese relations have been strained, the Chinese have boycotted Japanese goods on their own initiative. However, no matter how strained relations between the U.S. and China become, the Chinese people do not have the confidence to boycott U.S. goods. There is a simple reason for this: the lives of the Chinese people are inextricably tied to U.S. products. In terms of space technology, the GPS systems installed in Chinese cars are American made. In terms of information technology, the CPUs in Chinese computers are made by the American firms Intel and AMD, while the operating systems and office suites are designed by Microsoft. The Internet was invented by Americans, who control nine of the world’s 11 root servers. If the Americans were not happy, they could cut off China’s Internet, severing its connections with the outside world. They could use their operating systems to give Chinese computers the “black screen of death,” or paralyze Chinese computer systems through the “back doors” of CPUs. Thus far, China has remained entirely passive in its competition with the U.S.; even when bullied it has not dared to stand its ground and strike back. The reason for this is that America is in control of core technologies; China is controlled by America, and is indebted to it in too many areas. Conversely, America is not subject to enough controls by China, and is not indebted enough to it. Only if China one day manages to carve a niche for itself in America’s hegemony on space, Internet and electronic technologies will it be able to return fire on an equal footing when facing up to the challenge of America.

Second, foreign policy: encouraging development from a unipolar to a multipolar world.

For many years China has followed the foreign policy line advocated by former leader Deng Xiaoping, namely “concealing one’s capabilities and biding one’s time,” a strategy which focuses on managing China’s own affairs without encroaching on anyone’s interests, avoiding intervention in international affairs which do not directly involve China, and not clearly stating China’s position or just watching on as bystanders. Such policies are not conducive to an expansion of China’s diplomatic influence. China should actively promote a new worldwide political and economic order that will benefit the common development of all mankind, and take on the kind of responsibilities fitting for a future world power; it should not wait until its rivals harm its interests before it reacts.

(A) Actively pushing for reform of the U.N. Security Council.

The current structure of the U.N. Security Council preserves the political framework in place at the end of World War II, and does not reflect the political and economic landscape of today’s world. Across the world, countries are clamoring ceaselessly for its reform. America has promised several times to support Japan, Germany and India in their bids to become permanent member states. China, while stating that it understands the situations of all the aforementioned countries, has not promised to support any one of them. This kind of ambiguity will not win China the diplomatic interests it deserves. China views America as the world’s hegemon; adding more member states to the Security Council will cause power to be distributed and will weaken American hegemony. For this reason, China should give its full support to plans to reform the Security Council. Specifically, this reform should occur in the following ways. Firstly, progress must be gradual. The first step is to increase the number of permanent member states from five to seven. Once this structure is stable, the seven can be increased to nine, this being the final total number of member states. Secondly, positions on the Council should be divided across continents, with the three powers America, China, and Russia as the cornerstone of the council. In practice, this would mean that America, China, and Russia would be automatically elected, with two positions on the Council apportioned for Europe (excluding Russia), one for Asia (excluding China), one for Africa, one for Latin America, and one for the rest of the world. Thirdly, elections on each continent should be linked to elections at the U.N. Each place on the Security Council would be filled by a nominee from a coalition of states on each continent, with the remaining place filled by a candidate nominated by every member country across the globe.

(B) Forging an alliance of Asian states, promoting political and economic integration in Asia.

Europe has the European Union, Africa has the African Union, and Latin America has the Union of South American Nations. Only Asia has no unified alliance of nations. China could use the opportunity brought about by reform of the U.N. Security Council, with a representative for Asia elected by an alliance of Asian nations, to propose the establishment of an “Asian Union,” bringing together countries from East, Southeast, South, West and Central Asia. It might also invite Russia to join, forming a powerful regional political and economic alliance, and gradually push for political and economic integration in Asia. The Asian Union could be headquartered in Hong Kong or Singapore. But bear in mind that such a union must not submit to outside influence!

(C) Actively promoting the development of the BRIC countries, making up-and-coming economies heard on the international stage.

Currently, the BRIC countries refers to China, Russia, India and Brazil. Recently, South Africa joined the BRIC group, with the BRIC term changed to BRICS. All of these countries are up-and-coming economies, and China should strengthen its cooperation with such countries, actively welcoming new member states which have international influence, and strive to make the impact of the BRICS countries akin to that of the G-7 or G-20.

Third, economics: breaking American hegemony, establishing a plural currency system for international trade.

After World War II, America established a world currency system led by the dollar. Every country calculates its output value in dollars; international trade transactions are completed in dollars. The advantage which the U.S. dollar hegemony gives America is that the dollar reserves accumulated by each country through international trade are either spent in America or are lent to Americans to spend. If America’s consumer debt becomes too great, it can always resort to printing dead currency and exchanging it for gold and silver from other countries. This equates to a situation where the world is supporting the U.S. economy.

Although the yuan is not currently a currency used in international trade, China has established currency exchange agreements with six countries, including South Korea, Indonesia and Argentina, and trades with Russia in local currency. The World Bank has recently issued a limited number of bonds in yuan, a currency which has recently taken its first steps toward globalization.

In contrast to the yuan’s weak international position, the Euro is already widely used in international trade, and has become the only currency in the world able to rival the U.S. dollar. China should make use of its own economic influence to bolster the Euro, and create a new world currency system with Russia and the E.U., breaking down the market dominance of U.S. hegemony.
  
Fourth, national defense: establishing firm measures for national defense, not opposing America, nonalignment, and avoiding an arms race.

The dissolution and decline of the Soviet Union was due to its emphasis on defense over economic matters; the decline of Japan was due to the fact it only had its economy and no national defense (Japan is a protectorate of the U.S.). China must strike a balance between its economic and defense concerns, and must be able to use its defensive capabilities to protect its economic interests, should they be threatened. Given the remarkable power gap between the U.S. and China at present, China should formulate and explicit national defense policy: Establish firm measures for national defense, not to oppose America, practice nonalignment and avoid an arms race.

(A) Establish firm measures for national defense. China remains a country based on solely on its economy, with limited efforts made in the realm of national defense. With its limited resources, China should focus on establishing a defense system, and for the time being, shelve plans to establish a navy on the high seas or a long-range air force, so as to avoid causing other countries to be on their guard, and to encourage cooperation with China.

(B) Do not oppose America, practice nonalignment. The history of Sino-American relations shows that relations between the two countries have only been relatively stable when America has had other rivals to deal with; once it has no other rivals, it comes after China. As the Chinese often say, China is constantly being bullied by America. But there is a limit to how much of a beating America can give China without provoking an all-out conflict, because America could not sustain the costs of such a clash. Therefore, China cannot be brazenly anti-American in its dealings with the U.S., since it does not yet have the capital to succeed America militarily. America does not want a big fight on its hands, and China cannot start a war of words at the slightest pretext.

America has long sought to win over countries on China’s borders by attempting to establish an anti-Chinese alliance. China must break the military alliance between the U.S. and China’s neighbors, and must not establish its own military alliance to counter it. An alliance between China and Russia, or between China, Russia and Europe, is unrealistic. The reason for this is stated above: “China does not yet have the capital to succeed America militarily.” Any country thinking of joining hands with China against America will inevitably fail. In December 2010, Russia announced that it would hold naval exercises in the Sea of Japan in mid-2011, and arranged military exercises to be held with the U.S. in 2012. Countless joint exercises between the U.S. and Russian air forces have already been held, and Russia has already agreed to link its missile defense system with America’s. It seems that Russia is taking very cautious steps to ensure a balance in its relations with the U.S. In the event of a standoff between China and the U.S., Russia would most likely stand back as the two sides battled it out, and benefit from the resulting stalemate. As for the countries of the E.U., China could only hope to form a currency or economic alliance with them, but not a military one. America is of European descent, and European countries share the same religious beliefs and values with America, as well as having a long history of military cooperation. In the event of war between China and the U.S., the best result for China would be a declaration of neutrality by the E.U. For the E.U. to fight against America would be unthinkable!

(C) Avoiding an arms race. The Soviet Union collapsed in its arms race with the U.S.; China must pay heed to this warning. Hence China has clearly stated that it will not challenge American hegemony, and therefore will not struggle with America for supremacy. China does not need to walk the path set by America by building up a stockpile of high-cost weaponry. When it comes to weapons manufacturing, China may never be able to rival the U.S. Two crucial points will determine the winner of any future war: One is information technology, and knowing where your enemy is (principally through use of satellite reconnaissance technology); the other is how your weaponry is powered, i.e., fuel supply. If you know where your enemy’s fuel is stored, and blow it up, even advanced weaponry will immediately be rendered useless. If you know your enemy’s position, but your enemy does not know yours, then your archers could dispose of their gunmen; your mortars could do away with their rocket artillery; your hand grenades could even dispatch with their aircraft (as shown when the Eighth Route Army launched a surprise attack on the Japanese airfield at Yangmingbao). China must invest its limited financial resources in information and energy technologies, and absolutely must not enter an arms race for advanced weaponry with the U.S.


中国怎样才能在与美国的竞争中成为幸存者?


  一位美国学者曾这样预测:“21世纪的上半叶决定世界格局的是美中关系,下半叶将是美俄关系”。从上述言论中,我们可以解读出这样的信息:一是21世纪依然是美国主导的世纪;二是中国无法成长为与美国对等的力量,在21世纪中期以后,中国将在竞争中走向衰落,被俄罗斯所取代。
  那么,中国怎样在与美国的竞争格局中成为幸存者呢?

技术层面:谁掌握新技术,谁主导世界未来


  纵观世界发展史,任何一个大国的崛起都有强大的技术支撑。中国古代在世界长期保持领先,是因为中国古代的四大发明、陶瓷和丝绸技术;英国的崛起缘于蒸汽机技术;德国的崛起缘于内燃机技术;美国统治当今世界,是基于电气技术、信息技术和空间技术等等。

中国要发展,靠什么?既不能靠廉价劳动力,也不能靠房地产,一要靠开发主导世界未来的新技术,二是要尽快缩短与美国的技术差距。这才是一个民族发展的核心竞争力!
哪些新技术将主导世界的未来




  主导世界未来的新技术包括哪些方面呢?一是新能源技术,目前世界能源供应主要是由石油和煤炭组成,这些都是不可再生能源,在未来的几百年甚至几十年就可能枯竭。未来哪个国家开发出能够替代煤炭和石油的可再生能源,如核能、水电、风能、太阳能、生物质能等等,就能够领导世界;二是电动技术,目前机械动力绝大多数是以石油为燃料的,而新开发的能源大多数是以电能形式存储的,如果消耗电能的发动机能够替代消耗石油的发动机,广泛应用于汽车、飞机、坦克、轮船上,其意义不亚于第一次工业革命;三是资源循环利用技术,当今世界的资源是有限的,无论是煤炭、石油,还是金属矿产,无节制地开采,总有消耗殆尽的一天。中国目前为维持经济增长,在全世界范围内寻找资源,如果不能开发出资源循环利用技术,一旦供应链断裂,经济发展将难以为继。

  中国要想在与美国的竞争中存活并取得持续性发展,必须在新能源技术、电动技术、资源循环利用技术方面加大投入力度,争取赶在美国之前取得突破性进展。谁先掌握了这些技术,谁就主导世界的未来。


  (二)尽快缩短与美国的技术差距

  目前中美之间电气技术差距较小,而信息技术和空间技术差距依然很大。中日关系紧张时,中国百姓曾多次自觉抵制日货,但无论中美关系多么紧张,中国百姓都没有底气抵制美货。原因很简单,中国人的生活离不开美国的产品。空间技术方面,中国人的汽车里面安装的是美国的GPS全球卫星定位系统;信息技术方面,中国电脑里面的CPU是由美国的Intel和AMD公司生产的;操作系统和办公软件是由美国Microsoft公司设计的;互联网技术是由美国人发明的,它们控制着全球11个根服务器中的9个。如果美国人不高兴,美国可以给中国断网,让中国与外界失去联系;可以通过操作系统让中国的电脑黑屏;可以通过CPU中的“后门”让中国的电脑系统瘫痪。目前,中国在与美国的竞争中处处被动,即便挨了欺负,也不敢强硬反击,原因就在于美国掌握着核心技术,中国受制于美国、有求于美国的地方太多;而美国有求于中国、受制于中国的地方太少。如果有一天,中国能够在美国的太空霸权、互联网霸权、电子霸权中争得一席之地,中国才能在面对美国的挑战时进行对等还击。


  二、外交层面:推动世界由单极向多极发展
  中国多年来一直遵循着老一代领导人邓小平提出的“韬光养晦”的外交政策,专心干好自己的事情,只要不涉及自身利益,对国际事务采取事不关己,高高挂起的态度,或立场模糊,或冷眼旁观,这样的政策并不利于中国拓展自己的外交空间。中国应主动去推进有利于全人类共同发展的国际政治经济新秩序,担当起一个未来大国应该承担的责任,而不是等对手损害自己利益时再消极应付。
  (一)积极推动联合国安理会改革
  目前的联合国安理会结构保留了二战结束时的政治框架,无法反映目前世界政治经济格局,世界各国要求改革的呼声一直不断。美国已经多次许诺支持日本、德国、印度成为安理会常任理事国,而中国则对上述各国表示理解,并不承诺支持谁。这种模糊态度并不能为中国争取应得的外交利益。对于中国来说,世界霸权是美国的,加入联合国安理会的成员越多,意味着权力的分散,美国霸权的弱化,因此中国应大力支持联合国安理会的改革计划。具体来说,包括以下几个方面:一是坚持渐进性原则,第一步将安理会常任理事国的数量从5个增加到7个;结构稳定后再从7个增加到9个,9个国家将成为最终的数量。二是坚持以美、中、俄三个大国为基础,按大洲分配名额的原则。具体来说,就是美、中、俄三大国自然当选,欧洲除俄国外再分配2个名额;亚洲除中国外再分配1个名额;非洲分配1个名额;拉丁美洲分配1个名额;另外1个名额在全世界范围内竞选。三是各大洲推选和联合国推选相结合的原则。分配给各大洲安理会常任理事国的名额,由各大洲国家联盟推选,最后富余的1个名额由所有成员国在全世界范围内推选产生。
  (二)建立亚洲国家联盟,推动亚洲政治经济一体化
  欧洲有欧洲国家联盟,非洲有非洲国家联盟,拉丁美洲也有拉美国家联盟。唯独亚洲国家没有自己统一的国家联盟。借联合国安理会常任理事国改革的契机,分配给亚洲安理会常任理事国的名额,由亚洲国家联盟推选,中国可以发起成立亚洲国家联盟,把原来东亚、东南亚、南亚、西亚、中亚国家集合在一起,再把俄罗斯请进来,形成一个强有力的地区政治、经济联盟,并逐步推进亚洲政治经济一体化。亚洲联盟总部可以设在香港或新加坡。切记:亚洲国家联盟不能吸收境外势力!
  (三)积极推动“金砖四国”发展,扩大新兴经济体在国际上的发言权
  目前,中国、俄罗斯、印度、巴西被称为“金砖四国”。不久前,南非又加入“金砖四国”集团,“金砖四国”改称“金砖国家集团”。所有这些国家都属于新兴经济体,中国应加大与新兴经济体的合作力度,积极吸纳在国际上有影响力的新成员国,争取使该组织的影响力接近G7、G20。
  三、经济层面:打破美元霸权,建立国际贸易多元货币体系
  二战以后,美国建立了以美元为主导的世界货币体系,世界各国计算本国的产值以美元为单位计算,国际贸易以美元作为结算货币。美元霸权给美国带来的利益在于,世界各国在国际贸易中积累的美元资产,或者去美国消费,或者借给美国人消费,如果美国消费透支太多,它还可以靠印刷废纸(美钞)去换别的国家的真金白银,形成全世界养美国的局面。
  目前,人民币还不是国际贸易结算货币,中国已经与韩国、印尼、阿根廷等六个国家和地区建立了货币互换协议,与俄罗斯实行国际贸易本币结算。世界银行近期发行了少量的人民币债券,人民币国际化刚刚迈出了一小步。
  与人民币孱弱的国际地位不同,欧元在国际贸易中已经被广泛使用,成为唯一能够与美元匹敌的世界货币,中国应利用自身的经济势力扶植欧元,并与俄罗斯、欧盟一起打造新型的世界货币体系,打破美元霸权的垄断。
  四、国防层面:立足防御、不反美、不结盟、不进行军备竞赛
  苏联的解体和衰落是因为苏联重国防,轻经济;日本的衰落是因为日本只有经济,没有国防(日本是美国的保护国)。中国必须走经济与国防并重的道路,当自己的经济利益受到侵害的时候,要能用自己的国防力量去维护。鉴于目前中美两国显著的实力差距,中国应制定明确的国防政策:立足防御、不反美、不结盟、不进行军备竞赛。
  (一)立足防御。中国目前仍然以经济建设为核心,国家对国防投入力量有限,在有限的资源投入中,中国应着重进行防御体系建设,类似远洋海军和远程空军的建设应暂时搁置,以免加剧世界各国的防范心理,合力对付中国。
  (二)不反美、不结盟。纵观当代中美关系发展的历史,只有在美国找到其他对手的时候,中美关系才比较稳定;而当美国找不到其他对手时,中国则成为美国敲打的对象。用老百姓的话讲,中国一直挨美国欺负。但美国的这种敲打有一定的度,以不爆发全面冲突为限,因为美国也无法承受与中国全面冲突的代价。因此,中国在与美国的较量中,不能大张旗鼓地打出反美旗帜,中国尚不具备从美国手中抢权接班的资本。美国不想大打,中国更不能动辄言战。
  美国一直在笼络周边国家企图建立反华同盟,中国必须分化美国与周边国家的军事同盟,而不是另外建立一个军事同盟进行对抗。无论是中俄联盟,还是中俄欧联盟,都是不切实际的。原因还是上面那句话:“中国尚不具备从美国手中抢权接班的资本。”如果其他国家认为与中国联手抗美必输,就不会响应。2010年12月,俄罗斯一面宣布2011年中俄海军日本海军演,一面安排美俄2012年军演;美俄空军联合军演已经进行若干次了,俄国还答应将本国的导弹防御体系与美国进行链接,可以说俄罗斯在小心翼翼地在中美之间保持平衡。如果出现中美对抗,俄罗斯最大的可能就是等待中美两败俱伤,坐收渔利。还有欧盟那些国家,中国只能与它们达成货币联盟或经济联盟,不可能结成军事联盟,美国是欧洲后裔,欧洲国家与美国有共同的宗教信仰、价值观念和长期的防务合作,一旦中美开战,期望欧洲国家保持中立将是中国能够得到的最好结果,联欧抗美,想都别想!
  (三)不进行军备竞赛。苏联是在与美国的军备竞赛中垮掉的,中国必须汲取这个教训。中国既然明确声明,不挑战美国的全球霸权,就不要表现出跟美国人一争高下的姿态。中国没必要走美国人的老路,建一大堆造价高昂的武器。比造武器,中国也许永远不是美国人的对手。决定未来战争胜负的关键在于两点:一是信息技术,知道对手在什么地方(主要通过卫星侦察技术)。二是武器的动力来源:燃料补给。如果你知道对手的油库在什么地方,并炸毁它,再先进的武器也会立刻失去作用。如果你知道对手的位置,而对手不知道你的位置,那么弓箭手可以干掉机枪手;迫击炮可以干掉火箭炮,甚至手榴弹也可以干掉飞机(八路军突袭日军阳明堡机场)。因此,中国必须将有限的财力放在信息技术和能源技术方面,千万不要与美国比先进武器,搞军备竞赛。
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