Commentary on the Fourth Type of Relationship for China and the U.S.

Published in Zaobao
(Singapore) on 7 February 2011
by Guo Bingyun (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Rose Zu. Edited by Jenette Axelrod.
Along with the continuous rise of China’s international influence, the ever-increasing frequency of contact between China and the U.S. and the increasing importance of China to the U.S., American scholars’ attention to U.S.-China relations has risen with the tide. American scholars researching China, as well as those interested in China, are rushing in. Since the onset of the U.S. international financial crisis in 2008, under the looming backdrop of an ever-worsening U.S. employment landscape filled with the persistent increase of unemployment, China watchers and those who speak Chinese have become hot commodities.

U.S.-China relations are not only important for the U.S. and China, but they are also very important for the Asia-Pacific region and the whole world. Where exactly is this crucial relationship heading?

The three traditional types of relationships for China and the United States

Before the mainland of North America was discovered by Columbus, before the establishment of the United States, before the Qing dynasty knew what and where the United States of America was, the two countries were completely disconnected from each other’s affairs. The possibility that such a disconnect still exists, given the backdrop of a continuing degree of globalization, is zero. In the seemingly disconnected relationship between China and the U.S., during the Cold War and the end of the Korean War and Kissinger’s secret visit to China, the two countries managed to maintain a relationship where contact fluctuated up and down, took different forms and shifted from direct to indirect.

Will conflict arise between China and the U.S.? By conflict, I mean the following: war and military conflicts of different scales, ideological wars like the Cold War (the author modestly believes that during the Cold War, the ideological dispute between the two main factions was a type of war, a war that differs from traditional wars and trade wars). Surveying world history, whether it was the Franco-Prussian war, World War I and II or minor wars and military conflicts, war is not something that happens every second of every day, all day and all night. Generally speaking, we fight, sometimes cease fire, sometimes take arms and sometimes debate. Including the recently ended Cold War, when there existed a “you or me,” “friend or foe” relationship between the U.S. and the former Soviet Union, there was still cooperation on such issues as nuclear nonproliferation. Thus, conflict cannot be the status quo between two countries. Even if it is an inheritance of the Cold War, the U.S.-North Korean relationship and the North-South Korean relationship has had its share of sunny days and short springs.

From Nixon’s 1972 visit to China to the 1989 sanctions that the U.S. imposed on China, former U.S. Secretary of State Kissinger has called the relationship during this almost two-decade-old period an unofficial alliance. Will China and America become allies once again? Taking a look around the globe, no country can substantively threaten the safety of China and the U.S. at the same time. As for global issues such as the environment, global warming and transmittable diseases, none are sufficient for promoting the formation of another U.S.-China bilateral alliance. In the author’s limited view, within the next 20 years the possibility of an alliance forming between China and the U.S. is next to nothing.

The fourth possibility for the U.S.-China relationship

In reality, of the three traditional types of relationships that characterize U.S.-China relations mentioned above, the first and second are considered abnormal states. Only the third can be considered normal. Looking at the world, the U.S. still has numerous allies: NATO alone has 30 members and in Asia, there are Japan, the Philippines, etc. The author has already roughly analyzed the impossibility of China and the U.S. becoming allies again in the article “Never Again Can We Return to U.S.-China Relations As They Were Before.”

Since the end of the Cold War, a normal relationship between two countries should be one where the two countries are not disconnected, do not have conflict and also are not allies. In other words, the fourth type of relationship for the U.S. and China, or, the “fourth path,” is to establish normal relations. Why is it so difficult for China and America to establish a normal relationship? To put it simply, there are three main reasons:

First is the influence of the ideology of the Cold War. Even though the Cold War had been over for more than 20 years, in the period after 9/11, there were people who believed that we were then in a post-post-Cold War era. Regardless of whether we are now in the post-Cold War period or the post-post-Cold War period, one point is clear: Cold War ideology still exists and affects international relations. China and the United States were both important players during the Cold War. Furthermore, they were each other’s enemies and allies for many years. Under the influence of Cold War ideology, when facing a country that has been both an enemy and an ally, it is difficult to step out of this relationship.

Second are international structural contradictions. This is the core reason why it is hard for the U.S. and China relationship to step out of traditional international relations. In facing a continuously rising China, the United States, which is accustomed to opposing the world’s number two in order to preserve and strengthen its own supremacy, has already subconsciously identified China as the target of its defense. Likewise, it consciously puts its guard up against the “competitor.” Even if America believes that China, the world’s number two, is rising peacefully, even if the United States knows clearly that it can reap great economic benefits from China’s rise, even if the U.S. believes China will not fight for supremacy, letting go of the world’s number one seat to sink to number two, or sharing with China the power of being number one, is a very painful matter for the U.S.

The majority of countries, because they have no territorial disputes, do not have a sense of territorialism or an international structural contradiction, defense strategies or ethnic disputes. Therefore, they are able to grow, cooperate and compete economically, as well as maintain normal country relations. Even though serious trade friction appears from time to time, it does not do serious damage. For large countries such as China and the United States, limited to Cold War ideology and international structural contradictions, it is hard to grow solely within the economic realm. The contradiction lies in the fact that the two countries are undoubtedly special and important, but they are both countries and must develop normal country relations.

In the foreseeable future, the China-U.S. relationship will enter into a fourth category, below that of allies and below that of normal country relations. Currently, cooperation between China and the U.S. appears mainly when addressing issues for normalized relations. China and the United States are both major world powers on many international issues, such as maintaining the stability of the global economy, nuclear nonproliferation and preventing global warming. It seems as if they differ from topics discussed in relationships between normal countries, but in reality these topics are already considered normal issues of discourse between countries. The thing is, the average country doesn’t have the means to address these issues!


随着中国国际地位的持续上升,随着中美交往的持续增加,随着中国对美国的重要性持续上升;美国学者对中美关系的重视水涨船高,美国国内研究中国和对中国感兴趣的学者趋之若鹜。有人发现,自2008始于美国的全球性金融风暴爆发后,在美国就业形势持续恶化、失业者持续增加的大背景下,中国通和会说中文的人则成为抢手货。

  中美关系,不仅只对美国和中国重要,而且对于亚太地区以及全世界,都非常重要。如此重要的中美关系,到底走向何方呢?

  传统思维下的三种中美关系

  在美洲大陆尚未被哥伦布发现以前,在美国尚未成立以前,在美国成立后清朝政府尚不知美利坚合众国为何物、在何方以前,两国完全处于相互隔绝的状态。中美关系出现相互隔绝的可能性,在全球化程度如此之高且尚在强化的大背景下,断非可能之事。即使在冷战时期,朝鲜战争停战到基辛格秘密访华这段时间里,貌似相互隔绝的中美关系仍然有高低不一、形式多样、或直接或间接的交往。

  中美之间会产生冲突吗?此处所谓之冲突,主要是指以下形式:规模不一的战争和军事冲突、或同于或异于冷战时期的意识形态战争(笔者愚以为,冷战时期,两大阵营之间在意识形态里的斗争其实也是一种战争,只是内容不同于传统战争及贸易战争)。纵观世界历史,即使是普法战争、第一次及第二次世界大战,更不提小规模的战争和军事冲突,战争也不是分分秒秒、日日夜夜都在进行;大体而言,是时战时停,时打时谈。包括刚结束不久的冷战,如此非此即彼、非敌即友的美苏关系,仍然在诸如核不扩散等领域有合作。因此,冲突不可能是两国关系的常态;即使是冷战的遗产,美朝关系和朝韩关系,也曾出现过阳光时期和短暂的春天。

  自1972年尼克松访华至1989年美国对中国进行制裁,这近二十年的时间,美国前国务卿基辛格称之为非正式的盟友关系。中美会再次成为盟友吗?环视全球,似乎没有哪个国家能同时实质性地威胁中美安全;而全球性问题,如环境问题和全球变暖及各种传染性疾病,似乎还不足以促使中美两国再次结盟。依笔者之管见,在可以预见的将来,在最近二十年内,中美之间结盟的可能性微乎其微。

  中美关系的第四种可能性

  其实,上述三种传统的中美关系,第一种和第二种都属于非常态,只有第二种至今仍属于常态,环视全球,美国仍然有大量盟友,仅北约成员国就有近三十个,在亚洲还有日本、菲律宾等。笔者已于前段时间在《再也回不到从前的中美关系》一文中粗略分析了中美难再次成为盟友。

  冷战结束以来,两个国家之间的正常关系应该是,既不相互隔绝,也不相互冲突,还不互为盟友。换而言之,中美关系的第四种关系,或者说第四条道路,就是建立正常的国家关系。为何中美关系难以建立普通国家的关系呢?简而言之,主要有以下两个原因:

  第一、冷战思维的影响。虽然冷战结束已经有二十多年,甚至有人在九·一一后,认为现在已经处于后后冷战时期,不管现在处于后冷战时期还是后后冷战时期,有一点毋庸置疑:冷战思维仍然出现并作用于国际关系。中美两国都是冷战时期的重要成员,并且互为敌手和盟友皆有很多年。在冷战思维的影响下,在面对那个既作过对又结过盟的国家时,很难跳出来。

  第二、全球性的结构矛盾。这是中美关系很难跳出传统国际关系的根本原因。面对日益崛起的中国,习惯于与世界第二作对以维护和巩固自己霸权的美国,已经从潜意识里把中国作为主要防范对象;何况其已经在明意识里亦同样把中国作为防范对象和竞争对手。即使美国相信世界第二的中国是和平崛起,即使美国清楚自己能从中国的崛起中获取巨大的经济利益,即使美国相信中国不会挑战其霸权;但让出世界第一的交椅,沦为世界第二,或与中国分享世界第一的权力,对于美国来说,都是非常痛苦的事。

  绝大多数国家之间,由于没有领土纠纷,没有地区性或全球性的结构矛盾,没有战略防范,没有民族问题,因此能在经济领域发展既合作又竞争的,正常的国家关系。即使有时候会出现较为严重的贸易摩擦,也不会伤及筋骨。对于中美这两个世界性大国而言,囿于冷战思维和全球性的结构矛盾,很难只在经济领域发展关系。自相矛盾的是,这两个国家无论如何特殊,无论如何重要,它们都是国家,在某些领域,必须发展正常的国家关系。

  在可以预见的将来,中美是一种既低于盟友关系且又低于普通国家关系的第四种关系。目前中美之间的合作,主要以正常国家关系的内容出现。虽然作为世界大国的中美两国,在很多世界层次的问题上,如维护国际经济秩序的稳定、扩核散、防止气候变暖等,有貌似异于普通国家关系的内容,其实这些亦属于普通国家关系的内容,只不过,一般的普通国家无能力处理这些问题!

  湖北随州 郭兵云
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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