Obama’s Diplomatic Team Facing Internal Conflict, Disorder In Pace and Positions

Published in Creaders
(China) on 15 February 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liangzi He. Edited by Amy Wong.
Obama’s diplomatic team and policies are in disorder in pace, caliber and positions. This situation was very obvious on Jan. 14 this year, at the funeral of senior diplomat Richard Holbrooke. On that day, the memorial speakers were sitting in a row, except for Mrs. Holbrooke and her two sons; the speakers included Obama, the Clintons, former United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan, former President of the Council on Foreign Relations Gelb, former Ambassador to Egypt Frank Wisner and White House advisor for Human Rights Samantha Power.

All the speakers remembered Mr. Holbrooke’s contributions, achievements and life stories. Holbrooke was the chief diplomatic advisor to Hillary during the 2008 Democratic primaries. Everybody said that if Hillary were elected president, Holbrooke would be secretary of state, but Obama was elected president instead. Obama revealed that the day after the elections, Holbrooke flew to Chicago to visit him. When talking about how the Bush administration shuffled U.S. foreign policy during its eight years in power, Holbrooke couldn’t help but speak in a tearful voice. Obama said that he then realized that Holbrooke shouldn’t be a wallflower but instead be returned to the diplomatic battlefield. Later Hillary strongly recommended Holbrooke to Obama, who then appointed Holbrooke as the special advisor on Afghanistan and Pakistan.

However, Washington power circles and diplomatic media all knew that Holbrooke was working very hard and unhappily; his largest resistance and setbacks came from the National Security Council in the White House and Obama didn't support him 100 percent, either. It can be said that the talented and larger-than-life Holbrooke was consumed by grief. Allegedly, the White House meant to force Holbrooke out ages ago, but Hillary insisted on supporting him.

Examples of disagreements on diplomatic personnel and policy between the White House and the State Department have occurred a lot in the past two years. After Hillary came to power, she desperately wanted to develop soft power and appoint the famous Harvard scholar Joseph Nye as ambassador to Japan, a move that was rejected by the White House. This time, in regards to the political turmoil in Egypt, a series of conflicting statements and contradictory claims between the White House and State Department were produced.

Under Hillary’s vigorous promotion, Obama urgently dispatched Frank G. Wisner, who had a personal friendship with Egyptian President Mubarak, to Cairo to talk Mubarak into abdication, but he failed. Several days later, Hillary flew to Munich to attend a security conference, demonstrated that Egypt ought to make an orderly transfer instead of rushing the process and emphasized that a transfer of power needed time. The worst thing was that Wisner emphasized in a video that Mubarak not only should not step down at this moment but that he was an indispensable person who could accelerate reform as a leader. After hearing Wisner’s speech on Feb. 5, Obama was extremely angry; he immediately asked White House Press Secretary Gibbs to publicly state, very clearly, his wish for Mubarak’s abdication.

Why would 72-year-old Wisner sing a different tone after being assigned as Obama’s special envoy? The reason was that gifts blinded his eyes. He’s not only the main lobbyist for Mubarak in the U.S. but also on the board of the largest bank in Egypt: the wrong person for Obama and Hillary. But Wisner should not take all the responsibility. At the beginning of the Egyptian turmoil, the Obama administration issued different signals, sometimes hard, sometimes soft, sometimes supporting Mubarak, sometimes responding to the protest. Obama was in the middle of discreet, cautious discussions with the State Department (including Vice President Biden and Defense Secretary Gates) and the young National Security Council, which advocated the abdication of Mubarak. Such a situation made it difficult for him to make a move. He could not be too conservative but also could not ignore the overwhelming power of the people. However, after hearing Wisner’s reactionary remarks, Obama immediately joined Biden to request that Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Kerry make a public claim during an interview on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” during which Kerry stated that Wisner’s opinion couldn’t reflect the White House’s position. Biden, who always has a lousy choice of words, also put his foot in his mouth by saying that Mubarak was not a dictator; he later regretted what he said.

In the White House, there are three people who support the abdication of Mubarak. One spoke during Holbrooke's memorial service, the White House Advisor on Human Rights Samantha Power. The Irish scholar was a professor at the Kennedy School at Harvard; she is 40 years old and won the 2003 Pulitzer Prize for her book “A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide.” After reading this book in 2005, Obama immediately got in touch with her and invited her to assist him in his presidential campaign. But during the elections, Power was dismissed and apologized to Hillary for calling her a monster. After Obama took office, Power was asked back and lived in the White House with her new husband, a law professor at the University of Chicago, Cass Sunstein. This time the person who stood with Power is Deputy National Security Advisor Denis McDonough (who also frustrated Holbrooke) and the writer of Obama's 2009 Cairo speech, Benjamin Rhodes. They strongly stated to Obama that the U.S. should not go against the flow of history and trends in the face of peaceful and democratic revolution in Egypt.

For 200 years, there have always been conflicts between idealism and realism in the democratic history of the U.S. Obama called himself a pragmatist. Facing external pressure from Israel, Saudi Arabia and other allies who support Mubarak and the internal confusion of the opposing positions between the White House and the State Department, Obama finally gained a firm foothold after staggering for a while and responded to the roar of the Egyptian people for change.

Obama’s Cabinet team allegedly consists of a group of political rivals, and after more than two years, this “team of rivalries” hasn’t found a harmonious sound, but rather more cacophony especially on diplomatic issues. As a result, the diplomatic strength of Obama’s team was compromised.


奥巴马外交团队闹内讧 步调紊乱心貌不和
中国时报 2011-02-15 23:39:10
欧巴马外交团队与外交政策步调紊乱、口径不一、心貌不和的画面,今年一月十四日在华府甘乃
迪中心举行的资深外交官李察.郝尔布鲁克追悼会上毕露无遗。当天的主讲人一字排开坐在台上,除了郝氏的遗孀和两个儿子,他们是欧巴马、柯林顿夫妇,前联合国秘书长安南,前「外交事务协会」会长盖尔布,前驻埃及大使魏斯和白宫人权事务顾问萨曼莎.鲍威尔等人。
  主讲人都在回忆郝尔布鲁克的贡献、成就与生活点滴。郝氏是希拉蕊二○○八年角逐民主党总统候选人时期的首席外交顾问,大家都说如希拉蕊当选总统,郝氏肯定会做国务卿,结果欧巴马选上了。欧巴马那天透露,选战结束后,郝氏飞到芝加哥去看他,当谈到布什政府主政八年把美国外交弄得一蹋胡涂时,郝氏不禁声泪俱下。欧巴马说他当时就认定郝氏不能再当局外人,而应回到外交战场。后来在希拉蕊的力荐下,欧巴马任命郝氏出任主管阿富汗与巴基斯坦事务特别代表。



白宫人权顾问萨曼莎.鲍威尔(Samantha Power)(见图,美联社)。

  然而,华府权力圈和外交媒体都很清楚,郝尔布鲁克做得很辛苦、很不快乐,他最大的阻力和挫折来自白宫的国安团队(见一月二十六日本栏),欧巴马本人亦未十分支持他,才华洋溢而又气焰超盛(Larger than Life)的郝氏可说是抑郁以终。据说白宫早就有意叫郝氏滚蛋,但希拉蕊坚决支持他。

  白宫和国务院对外交人事与政策有所龃龉的事例,两年来已出现多起。希拉蕊上台后很想提名发扬「软实力」(Soft power)而出名的哈佛学者奈伊(Joseph Nye)出任驻日本大使,但遭白宫否决。这次在埃及政治风暴中,白宫和国务院又爆出一连串声明冲突、说法矛盾的尴尬情事。

  在希拉蕊的大力推介下,欧巴马紧急派遗与埃及总统穆巴拉克有私谊的魏斯纳(Frank G.Wisner)赶赴开罗劝说穆氏准备交棒,但未成功。过了几天,希拉蕊飞往慕尼黑参加一项安全会议,公开表示埃及最好做「有秩序地转移」,而不要太过仓卒,而且转移政权需要时间。最糟糕的是,人在华府的魏斯纳却透过视讯向会议强调,穆巴拉克此时此刻不但不能下台,而且是个不可或缺的人物,他在位可以推动改革。欧巴马在二月五日下午听到魏斯纳的谈话,愤怒无比,立即指示白宫发言人吉布斯公开表示希望穆氏下台的更明确立场。

  今年七十二岁的魏斯纳既然做了欧巴马的特使,事后又站出来唱反调,为什么?塬来此公拿人家的钱,口软手软,他不仅是穆巴拉克在美国的主要游说者,也是埃及最大的一家银行的董事,欧巴马和希拉蕊找错人了。但也不能完全责怪魏斯纳一个人,埃及风暴一开始,欧巴马政府即发出时而强硬、时而温和,又挺穆氏、又响应示威的不同讯号。欧巴马处在比较持重、谨慎的国务院(另包括副总统拜登与国防部长盖兹)和力主穆氏下台的白宫年轻国安团队两派对立的夹缝中,举步维艰。他不能太过保守,又不能漠视排山倒海而来的人民力量。但他听到魏斯纳的反动言论后,马上嘱咐拜登拜托参院外交委员会主席凯瑞在二月六日接受NBC「会晤新闻界」专访时,公开表示魏斯纳的说法绝不能反映白宫的立场。一向口不择言的拜登此次亦把自己的脚塞进自己的嘴吧,他说穆巴拉克不是独裁者,他后来很后悔说这句话。

  在白宫主张穆氏应该下台的有叁个人,其中一个就是一月十四日郝尔布鲁克追悼会主讲人之一的白宫人权顾问萨曼莎.鲍威尔(Samantha Power)。这位塬籍爱尔兰的学者,塬为哈佛甘乃迪学院教授,今年叁十九岁,曾以《来自地狱的问题:美国和种族灭绝》一书获二○○叁年普立兹奖。欧巴马在二○○五年读完这本书后即和她联系,叁年后请她出任竞选幕僚。但在大选期间,鲍威尔却因出言不逊,骂希拉蕊是「怪物」(monster)而离职并向希拉蕊道歉。欧巴马入主白宫后,鲍威尔又被找回来,和她一起进白宫的是她的新婚丈夫,芝加哥大学法学教授凯斯.森斯坦。此次和鲍威尔同时站在强硬立场的是副国安顾问丹尼斯.麦道诺(此人亦曾修理郝尔布鲁克)以及为欧巴马撰写二○○九年掷地有声的《开罗演说》的宾哲明.罗兹。他们向欧巴马力陈美国在埃及和平民主革命中不能站在反历史、反潮流的一边。

  两百多来来,美国外交史上一直存在理想主义与现实主义对垒的情况。欧巴马自称是务实主义者,他面对以色列、沙特阿拉伯和其它盟国支持穆巴拉克的外在压力,以及白宫和国务院不同立场的内在困扰,终于在踉跄一小段时间后,站稳脚跟,唿应埃及人民的求变吼声。

  欧巴马内阁被称为由一群政治对手组成的团队,两年多来,这个「对手团队」仍未找到和谐的声音,尤其是在外交上杂音更多,亦因此削弱了欧巴马团队的外交实力。
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