Changes in the Middle East Challenge U.S. Interests

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 18 March 2011
by Gao Xiangui (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by James Don. Edited by Amy Wong.
Currently the Middle East is experiencing the most fundamentally influencing changes, on the largest scale and the most consequential since the end of the Cold War. Of the 22 Arab countries, 20 are seeing unrest within a very short period. Tunisia and Egypt have had their regimes overthrown, while Libya's future is still uncertain, and Yemen and Bahrain are attracting eyeballs from all over the world. Since the Gulf War, the U.S. has dominated the Middle East, and after 9/11, it remodeled the Middle East, and expanded its scope to Afghanistan and Pakistan. The U.S. strategies in the Middle East are one of the most important factors leading up to the current changes, and now the changes are severely impacting U.S. strategies in the region.

The strategic pivot of the U.S. hegemony

Since setting its feet in the Middle East after World War II, the U.S. has increased its interests in the region. After the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the U.S. has become the sole superpower in the world and consequently established itself as the sole power in the Middle East after the Gulf War. Thus the importance of the Middle East is slotted in U.S. global strategies. In the 1990 National Security Strategy, the Bush administration reported on the importance of the Middle East's energy to the free world. In 1999, the National Security Strategy for a New Century report by the Clinton administration showed that changes in the Middle East would fundamentally influence the future of the U.S. And in the eight years of the Bush administration, after 9/11 the U.S. explicitly pinpointed the Middle East and the pan-Middle East region as the focus of its national security strategy. When the Obama administration sought reform in the economic crisis in 2009, it remained a top priority to re-establish U.S. leadership in the world.

Though the past few governments put different priorities on the issue of Middle East, generally speaking U.S. interests there include oil, Israel's security, stability of Arab allies, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and threats from terrorism, Islamic movements, instability and unrest in Arab countries.

All seemed well when the Obama administration began withdrawing all of its troops from Iraq, brokering a peace deal between Palestine and Israel and launching a new round of talks for Iran's nuclear issue. The dramatic changes taking place in the Arab world, led by Tunisia, is seriously challenging U.S. interests in the Middle East.

The most significant loss for the U.S. is instability of its allies

Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Yemen, Oman, Qatar and Iraq in the Gulf region of the Middle East, and Jordan in the eastern Mediterranean and Egypt in North Africa are all allies of the U.S., the most important among which are Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Iraq. The Ben Ali government of Tunisia had been following the West's policy since stepping on stage in 1987. The Gadhafi government of Libya improved relations with the West by giving up weapons of mass destruction in 2003 and re-establishing diplomatic relations with the U.S. in 2005. In 2008, the U.S. sent ambassadors to Libya, and the country was even seen as a role model of transformation. Obviously, Tunisia and Libya were friendly countries to the U.S. The U.S. needs support and cooperation from these countries to carry out its Middle East strategy and to maintain its leadership in the region. So when Obama came to power, he gave a speech in Cairo, Egypt, expressing his intention to improve relations with Islamic countries by winning their support through answering their call for peace negotiations between Palestine and Israel.

Now, as dramatic changes have undergone in the region, those countries have either had their government shifted or are badly hit by unrest or the risk of unrest. Among them, the collapse of the Mubarak government in Egypt is the most frustrating for the U.S. As an important member of the Arab League, "Egypt has always been a steady ally on many key issues, an important partner in regional affairs and helpful in solving many problems in the Middle East,"* as pointed out by Obama and Hillary. As a reward, the U.S. provided large amount of aid to Egypt for a long time, including $1.3 billion in military aid. Even if the new Egyptian government adopts a hostile position against the West, it can promote itself through the strategic Suez Canal. If Bahrain's government is toppled, the base of the U.S. Navy’s Fifth Fleet will be threatened. As the most important ally in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah is unhappy about the fact that Obama has given up on Mubarak, and this will push Saudi Arabia away from the U.S. If Saudi Arabia changes its government, one of the strategic pillars of the U.S. may collapse, and as an important member of OPEC, Saudi Arabia's policies cannot be predicted.

While those Arab countries are being hit by unrest, the U.S. is worried about the growing threat of Islamic fundamentalism. Not long ago the Justice and Development Party of Turkey cracked down on secularization with military force. If more and more Arab countries are hit by unrest for a significant amount of time, Islamic fundamental forces may use this opportunity to grow and provoke. Al-Qaida is one of them. The Maghreb-based al-Qaida is agitating Libya people. All of this is what the U.S. government has been wary about. Though the Obama administration didn't put anti-terrorism as the top task in Middle East strategy, its military and intelligence agencies have been treating it as top priority. The U.S. national intelligence watchdog testified with regard to the threat recently at an appraisal of global threats.

A rising Iran poses a challenge to the U.S.

The second consequence of changes in the Middle East on the U.S. is the improvement in the Iranian strategic posture. From the U.S. point of view, threats from Iran have been increasing since the Islamic revolution in 1979. The 2003 war against Iraq and the fall of Saddam's regime brought unexpected consequences. A long-lasting enemy was removed for Iran, and the Shia in Iraq, who of the same strain of Islam as Iran, rose to power. After the regional environment improved for Iran, it didn't remain reserved; instead, it's been flexing its muscles. The month-long military conflict between Lebanon's Hezbollah and Israel in July 2007 is thought to have resulted from support from Iran. This was testified by the warm greetings to Ahmadinejad when he visited southern Lebanon in 2010.

Now Najib Mikati, the candidate nominated by Lebanon's Hezbollah, will be sworn in as Lebanon's premier soon. From Iran's point of view, the current unrest in the Arab countries is in reality Islamic uprisings against the secular governments supported by the West, and an Islamic Middle East is rising. That means Iran may take advantage of its power and ideology to help Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood and all Islamic groups to expand their influences. While Syria and Iraq are following Iran's steps, if Bahrain's government is toppled, the Shia, which is a majority, making up 70 percent of the total population, may come to power in the country. If the Shia gain momentum, the region will develop in favor of Iran. After Egyptian President Mubarak stepped down, Iran's warships passed through the Suez Canal, demonstrating its increasing influences in the region.

Israel's deteriorating security impacts U.S. interests

Unrest in the Middle East combined with Iran's growing power is deteriorating the security of most important ally of the U.S., Israel. For Israel, declining Western power in the Arab world means the worsening of its security. At the very beginning of unrest of Egypt, Israel felt insecurity as a neighbor. Though the interim government will observe the ex-government's agreements, it's doubtful that the new government will honor the Egyptian peace agreement and cooperate with Israel in blocking off the Rafah border crossing to the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip. As the second country in the region to establish diplomatic relations with Israel and as a supporter of peace talks between Israel and Palestine, Jordan also faces a politically uncertain future.

More important is that from Israel's point of view, if Iran gains power, it will support the Muslim Brotherhood and its associates, Lebanon's Hezbollah and Palestine's Hamas. To make things worse, Turkey is making friends with the Arab world in the east and south, and its leader is visiting Iran for further cooperation. This, combined with the incident of the humanitarian ship, has increased the odds between Turkey and Israel and redirecting the situation against Israel’s favor.

In view of the complexity of the challenges, the U.S. is maneuvering to cope with the crisis. For the time being, it's trying to minimize the losses and to benefit both itself and Israel. Those measures are: establishing a new political architecture in Egypt, stabilizing the situation in Yemen, keeping the military presence in the region, maintaining its anti-terrorism strategy, preventing a further destabilization of the region through the worsening Libyan riots and at the same time, planning a new strategy in North Africa.

*Editor’s note: This quote, while accurately translated, could not be verified.


当前,中东正在经历冷战结束以来规模最大、冲击最广、影响最深的大变局。22个阿拉伯国家中有20个相继迅速陷入程度不同的动荡,突尼斯和埃及政府发生更替,利比亚的危险局势未定,也门和巴林等国的走向备受关注。美国从1991年海湾战争之后开始独步中东,9.11事件之后更是开始改造中东,范围扩展至包括阿富汗和巴基斯坦在内的“大中东”地区。美国的中东战略原本就是导致目前这场大变局的一个重要因素,如今这场变局又使得美国在中东的战略遭受严重冲击。
美国全球霸权的“战略支轴”
美国自第二次世界大战结束前后全面进入中东,其在中东的利益不断扩展增大。冷战结束和苏联解体后,美国成为世界惟一超级大国,并在海湾战争之后确立了其独步中东的地位。中东在美国全球战略中的重要价值逐步得以确定。1990年老布什政府发表的《国家安全战略》报告明确指出了中东能源对“自由世界”的重要性。1999年克林顿政府发表的《新世纪国家安全战略》报告表明,中东地区局势发展“将深刻影响美国的未来”。在9.11事件发生以后的小布什政府执政八年期间,美国更是明确地把中东乃至“大中东”作为美国国家安全战略的重点所在。2009年在金融危机背景下上台的奥巴马总统在积极寻求“变革”的同时,仍把中东作为“重振美国在世界上的领导地位”的优先事项。
尽管美国几届政府对中东利益的表述和轻重缓急的优先顺序有所差异,强调的重点有所变化,但概而言之,从正面意义上看,美国在中东的利益主要包括石油、以色列的安全、阿拉伯盟友的稳定和安全、防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散四个方面;从反面意义上看,美国在中东面临的威胁主要来自恐怖主义、政治伊斯兰运动、阿拉伯国家的不稳定和内部冲突三个方面。
如今,正当奥巴马政府分阶段从伊拉克撤走全部美军作战部队,积极推动以巴和谈,以及就伊朗核问题展开新一轮谈判之时,从突尼斯开始迅速席卷其他阿拉伯国家的大变局,使得美国在中东的上述利益遭受严重挑战。
盟友丧失稳定是美国最直接最明显的损失
在中东,海湾地区的沙特阿拉伯、科威特、阿联酋、巴林、也门、阿曼、卡塔尔和伊拉克等国,以及地中海东部的约旦和北非的埃及等国堪称美国的盟友,其中沙特、巴林、埃及、约旦和伊拉克尤为重要。突尼斯的本•阿里政府1987年上台以来就一直奉行亲西方的政策。利比亚卡扎菲政府2003年通过主动放弃大规模杀伤性武器换来了与欧美关系的改善,2005年开始与美国恢复外交关系,2008年美国对利比亚派出大使,利比亚甚至被塑造成接受美国布什政府“改造”的“好榜样”。因此,突尼斯和利比亚两国也可以视为对美国友好的国家。美国要推行其中东战略和维护其主导地位,需要得到这些国家的支持和配合。为此,奥巴马上台执政之初,就于2009年6月在埃及开罗发表了希望改善与伊斯兰国家关系的演讲,积极推动巴以和谈以回应温和阿拉伯国家的呼吁,争取他们的支持。
当下,经过这场大变局的冲刷,这些国家要么已发生政府更替,要么正经历严重动荡,要么面临发生动荡的危险。其中,使美国受挫最大的当数埃及穆巴拉克政府的下台。埃及作为阿拉伯国家联盟中的重要成员,正如奥巴马和希拉里所指出的,“埃及在许多关键问题上一直是盟友”,“向来是美国在广泛的区域议题上的重要伙伴”,“穆巴拉克总统在中东的一系列问题上有很大帮助”。作为回报,美国为埃及长期提供大量援助(包括每年超过13亿美元的军事援助)。如果埃及新政府采取反西方的政策,就可能利用苏伊士运河这个重要战略关口来提升地位。如果巴林政府发生更替,那么设在巴林的美国第五舰队基地的存续就面临直接威胁。沙特作为美国在中东最重要的盟友,其国王阿卜杜拉对奥巴马政府在本次中东变局中最终抛弃穆巴拉克感到不满,对美离心倾向可能进一步发展。而如果沙特发生政府更替,美国在中东的战略支柱之一就可能坍塌,沙特作为在石油输出国组织(OPEC)中占主导地位的国家其相关政策走向也将成为一个变数。
与温和阿拉伯国家受挫紧密关联的是,美国担心伊斯兰主义的影响力随之进一步上升。此前土耳其“正义发展党”领导的政府已经开始对力主世俗化的军方力量实施打压。如果越来越多的阿拉伯国家陷入动荡且持续时间比较长,就为各种伊斯兰激进势力发挥乘势、扩大影响和制造事端提供了机会和条件,特别是“基地”组织之类的恐怖主义势力势必趁机作祟发难,“马格里布基地组织”已经公开对利比亚民众进行煽动,而这正是冷战结束以来美国历届政府高度担心并努力避免的结果。尽管奥巴马政府没有把反恐作为其中东战略的首要任务,但美国军方和情报机构等依然把打击恐怖主义和极端主义作为首要任务,美国国家情报总监近日在参议院就美国情报界对全球范围内的威胁评估作证的证词就清楚地表达了这一点。


伊朗战略地位提升增大了对美国挑战
这场变局对美国造成第二个重大冲击是伊朗在中东格局中的战略处境变得更加有利。在美国看来,从1979年伊斯兰革命至今,伊朗的威胁一直在上升。2003年美国发动伊拉克战争和推翻萨达姆政权,所带来的“出乎意料的后果”是帮助伊朗消灭了一个夙敌,并使与伊朗同属一个教派且深受其影响的什叶派政治力量在伊拉克获得主导地位。在美国看来,伊朗在周边环境大幅改善之后,不仅没有收敛,相反进一步扩张势力。2006年7月黎巴嫩“真主党”与以色列发生持续30多天的武装冲突,被视为伊朗支持的结果,2010年伊朗总统内贾德访问“真主党”控制的黎南部地区时受到领袖般的欢呼堪为佐证。
目前,之前伊朗支持的“真主党”主导的“3.8联盟”所提名的候选人米卡提即将出任黎巴嫩总理。伊朗认为,阿拉伯多国的变局就是“反对世俗的亲西方政权的伊斯兰起义”,“一个基于伊斯兰原则的新中东正在崛起”。这意味着伊朗可能利用其力量和影响渠道,帮助包括埃及穆斯林兄弟会在内的各种伊斯兰主义力量扩大影响。继叙利亚和伊拉克向伊朗靠拢之后,如果巴林政府也在社会政治运动中发生更替,那么占其总人口70%的什叶派力量可能上台执政。这个“什叶派新月带”如果进一步扩大,将促使地区格局进一步朝有利于伊朗的方向发展。埃及穆巴拉克政府下台后,伊朗军舰自1979年伊斯兰革命后首次过境苏伊士运河,进一步彰显了伊朗不断提升的地区影响力。
以色列安全环境恶化冲击美国利益
阿拉伯多国动荡和伊朗战略地位提升这两个方面的共同作用,导致美国在中东最重要的盟国以色列的安全环境急剧恶化。对于以色列来说,阿拉伯世界的亲西方力量受到削弱就等于有利的安全因素在减少。作为最早与以色列实现和平的阿拉伯国家埃及陷入动荡、穆巴拉克政府下台,以色列作为其邻国马上感到威胁在即。尽管在过渡期掌握权力的埃及当局将继续遵守前政府签署的国际条约,但六个月后选举产生的新政府是否继续承认《埃以和平条约》,以及是否继续配合以色列封锁通往哈马斯控制的加沙地带的拉法口岸,这都存有疑问。约旦作为第二个与以色列建交并长期支持巴以和谈的阿拉伯“前线国家”的政局稳定同样存有变数。
更为重要的是,在以色列看来,伊朗影响力提升势必鼓励埃及的穆斯林兄弟会及其分支机构、黎巴嫩的“真主党”和巴勒斯坦的哈马斯等进一步壮大力量。加上土耳其“东向”和“南下”靠拢阿拉伯国家的趋势继续发展,其领导人近期又访问伊朗谋求扩大合作,这与土耳其和以色列之间因人道主义救援船等一系列事件矛盾加深,形成完全不同的发展态势,整个地区格局正在朝着有利于反以力量的方向演变。
基于以上这些挑战的复杂严峻性,美国加紧了政策调整,以应对这场危机。目前,美国主要是加强了危机应对,在尽力降低其利益受损程度的同时,力图引导仍在快速演变的局势朝着有利于美国和以色列的方向发展,其中包括推动埃及建立有利于美以的新政治架构,帮助巴林和也门保持稳定,保护美国在该地区的军事存在,避免其实施反恐战略的作用受到明显削弱,防止利比亚局势恶化对整个地区造成第二轮冲击,并借此谋划美国在北非的新战略。
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