Three Essential Principles for U.S.-China Relations

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 25 April 2011
by Xinbo Wu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Paul Yuan. Edited by Jenette Axelrod.
In early May, the annual U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue will begin. Like previous years, many constructive issues will be discussed and many immediate issues will be touched upon. Nonetheless, as an important communication mechanism between the two countries, the dialogue will perhaps focus on the top priority issues and discussions. Earlier this year, President Hu made a stately visit to United States. Regarding the visit, Obama responded to general skepticism about the benefits of U.S.-China cooperation. He said the visit proved a simple point that we mutually benefit from our successes. Although the idea is simple, it has deep implications for policies — designing China’s policy and understanding U.S. policies. I firmly believe there are three important principles to handle current U.S.-China relations.

The first principle is that U.S. economic growth depends on China. The 2008 financial crisis exposed the structural problems and weaknesses in the U.S. economy. These problems provide two implications for effective U.S.-China cooperation: First, because both countries are mutually dependent, China cannot afford a collapse in the U.S. economy. Second, a healthy U.S. economy also depends on China’s growing economy to be strong. Therefore, preventing another U.S. economic collapse is a U.S. concern as well as a Chinese. China plays an important role in sustaining a healthy U.S. economy. Not only are the two economies not a zero-sum game, they have great implications for Obama’s handling of China-U.S. trade relations. For example, should the U.S. restrict export of high-tech skills to China when it depends so much on the “China factor” for its development? Should national security be used as an excuse for preventing investments coming from China? How does the U.S. handle protectionism and its implication on creating tension in U.S.-China trade relations?

The second principle is that China needs to have a stable society. The Tunisian Revolution in North Africa more or less affected China. During an age of rapid development and social transformation, China sways in the turmoil and its ability to stand still is the world’s focus. The Chinese believe that though China has many problems, it needs to find a solution for stability and development. World experts who are not looking through colored lenses also agreed that China’s stability might hugely impact the world economy. This is not good news for the world.

This April, I visited the U.S. and heard some complaints from Americans that the U.S. should focus more on human rights issues in China. Although the issues are important, we should not neglect a more high-level perspective: China’s stability is of utmost importance. Social instability will undo all the current efforts for economic development and miss all the great growth opportunities and trends in the modern era. Globally, the world will miss out on a very important economic driver. Americans might not understand China’s need for stability and development, but they sure will understand the consequences of bringing down China’s economy, especially its impact on the U.S. economy. During the financial crisis, the U.S. government took over Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Because they were “too big to fail,” the government had to intervene. Now, China is an economy that the world should recognize as “too big to fail.” Observing the issues in China, one should not be merely looking at the trees and forget about the forest. This will shed a practical light on how to create dialogues for human right issues in China.

Third, the U.S. and China need to avoid conflicts in the Asia-Pacific region. Last year, Obama’s government heightened its diplomatic strategy by turning its focus to Asia. From the South Sea of the Korean Peninsula to the Diaoyu Islands, the U.S. stood at the opposite end of China. These various conflicts are of great concern. The U.S. has been actively deploying in Asia-Pacific by using various methods to balance its power in the region. If the two powers continue their open confrontations and hidden struggles, it will soon be very difficult to maintain order here. Very likely, the result will be disastrous.

First, Asia-Pacific is important to both countries; they can both exert influences in this region as well as preventing each other from gaining any benefits here. A stalemate here almost certainly means a no-win situation for both. Furthermore, Asia-Pacific countries may need to pick sides in this conflict. It is a choice between China, whose economy benefits the region, or the U.S., whose military gives security and protection. This is definitely not an easy choice. In light of this matter, both countries should acknowledge that cold war mentalities, spheres of influences and balance of powers are not constructive measures. Both countries should certainly not add fire to conflicts or try to benefit from one. Instead, both countries should seek to create peace in the region, lessen the conflicts and create negotiations in matters that are important to both parties.


一年一度的中美战略与经济对话5月初即将登场,像往年一样,届时会有许多具体的问题要谈,有不少就事论事的道理要讲。但作为中美之间最高级别的对话机制,更应该关注大问题,阐明大道理。奥巴马今年初在胡锦涛主席访美时说,在一些人怀疑中美合作的好处时,这次访问证明了一个简单的道理,那就是,我们在彼此的成功中有着巨大的利益。这个道理看似简单,但所蕴含的政策意义极为深刻。这对我们设计己方政策、理解对方政策意图,具有重要指导意义。笔者认为,处理当下中美关系。双方必须把握三个简单而重要的道理。

一是美国经济发展离不开中国。2008-2009年金融危机暴露了美国经济的结构性弊端及其背后的脆弱性。中美两国在应对这场危机中的有效合作有两点启示:一是由于中美经济相互依存,中国不能承受美国经济崩盘的冲击:二是经济实力上升的中国对美国经济健康发展十分重要。美国经济不能垮,既是美方的重大利益所在,也是中方的重大利益所在:美国经济要健康发展,中国的作用将越来越重要。这不仅揭示了两国经济关系的非零和特征,也为奥巴马政府处理对华经贸关系提供了重要的启示。例如,在美国经济发展越来越借助于中国因素的情况下,美国是否应该继续坚持对华高技术出口控制?该不该屡屡以国家安全之名挡住中国在美投资?如何应对美国国内的保护主义对中美经贸往来的压力?

二是中国社会不能乱。今年年初北非的“茉莉花革命”给中国带来了不大不小的冲击。中国处在经济迅速发展、社会急剧转型、各种矛盾多发的关键期,能否避免大的社会动荡,国人世人关注。国内绝大多数人的共识是,中国的问题虽然不少,但只能在稳定和发展的条件下积极谋求解决。国外不戴有色眼镜的观察家也认为,中国若乱,世界经济将遭受巨大打击,这对整个世界都不是好消息。

4月初笔者访美,听到一些美方人士的抱怨。他们主张美国要提高对华人权问题的关注,等等。然而笔者认为,对个案的关注不能无视一个总前提:中国不能陷入乱局。从中国自身看,社会动荡将使中国失去近代以来最难得的发展机遇和最宝贵的发展势头;从外部看,一个陷入乱局的中国将使世界经济最重要的发动机之一停转。美国人或许难以理解中国自身的发展和稳定需求,但从美国自身利益的角度,他们应该明白中国这台世界经济发动机停转的代价。金融危机期间,美国政府出手拯救房利美和房地美等大企业,理由是它们“太大以致不能垮掉”,而从美国和世界经济的角度看,现在中国这一经济体也是分量太大以致不能陷入乱局。明白这个道理,观察中国对一些个案的处理就不会只见树木、不见森林,中美关于人权问题的对话才会有现实性

三是中美在亚太地区不能斗。去年奥巴马政府高调推进“重返亚洲”外交战略,在从南海争端、朝韩冲突到中日钓鱼岛争端等地区热点问题上都站到了中国的对立面,这种情况引起了一种疑虑,即美国正在积极部署,以多种手段制衡中国在亚太地区影响办。中美两国若在亚太地区明争暗斗,地区秩序的两极化将不可避免。然而,中美争斗亚太,其结果将是灾难性的。首先,对中美而言,亚太地区都很重要,并在本地区的影响力重大,双方都有能力阻挠对方实现其在本地区的重要利益目标。两强相斗,很可能是两败俱伤。其次,中美相斗将迫使本地区的其他国家选边站。对这些国家来说,最理想的局面是经济上沾中国的光,安全上上美国的保险,如果二者要选其一,将是极为痛苦的。明白这个道理,就应摒弃势力范围、均势之类的冷战思维,对一些地区争端不是火上浇油、火中取栗,而是劝和促谈、息事宁人,就应加强两国在地区事务中的磋商,尊重对方的重要利益关切。(复旦大学美国研究中心教授、副主任 吴心伯)
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