President Ma Speaks about U.S.-Taiwan Relations

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 23 May 2011
by Lu I-cheng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Paul Yuan. Edited by Jenette Axelrod.
On Thursday, May 12, President Ma was invited by the Center for Strategic and International Studies to speak on the topic of “U.S.-Taiwan Relations in a New Era.” The talk reflected on the sensitive bilateral relations between the two countries despite having no formal diplomatic relations.

President Ma virtually attended the conference from Taipei via a teleconference with Washington. Various U.S. media correspondents, U.S. officials, and China experts gathered at CSIS for the event. Among them were officials from the American Institute in Taiwan, W. Brent Christensen, director of the State Department's Office of Taiwan Coordination and Richard Bush from the Brookings Institute. The five Taipei Economic and Cultural Offices in U.S. also live broadcasted the event at 8:30 am Washington time, inviting guests to participate. In Taipei, local and international correspondents and related officials were at the better end of the time zone and gathered at the Office of the President later that night to join the conference.

I read the full transcript totaling 18 pages from Washington’s Federal News Service. For the first time, Taiwan’s president personally spoke live in such an event to reflect on U.S.-Taiwan relations. Local media reported summaries of the event, but due to time constraints, the coverage wasn’t complete. I decided to more comprehensively cover the event in my column this week.

CSIS isn’t a stranger to the Taiwanese people. It’s known for its impartial standpoint, rigorous operations and scale. Full time staffers alone accounted for 220 people, not including renowned writers from the government and private sector. In 2000, CSIS reorganized under Chairman Sam A. Nunn, previously senator of Georgia, borrowing his 24 years of political experience in the Senate. Previous Chairman, John Hamre is now CEO for CSIS.

In the current interview with President Ma, Hamre was the one leading the introduction, and Charles A. Freeman moderated the meeting. Freeman was well known in Taiwan because he previously studied Chinese in Taichung and was the United States’ chief China trade negotiator specializing in cross-strait relations.

Although Taiwan's office of president released a news summary about the meeting, it was far from complete in comparison to the full transcript provided by CSIS. President Ma displayed his humor when asked if he was ready. He replied, "Almost," bringing some laughter from the audience. This is rarely seen in the Office of the President.

President Ma described his China policies as consisting of "three lines of defense." The first line of defense is institutionalizing the cross-strait rapprochement in which he describes the results from several facets. Last year, the number of tourists from mainland China has increased to 3 million, a 10 fold growth from the previous year. Furthermore, cross-strait trade volume has grown to $140 billion. The number of students from mainland China was 5,600 last year, with 2,000 more coming this fall semester. In addition, since the signing of the cross-strait judicial mutual assistance agreement in 2009, more than 100 fugitives were repatriated to Taiwan.

He pointed out that the administration’s success is attributed to the new approach to cross-strait relations. The "instability, unpredictability and insecurity" of the past have diminished. Before President Ma was inaugurated three years ago, Taiwan was operating under the ill-founded policies of the last decade that threatened to sideline Taiwan in the Asia-Pacific region. After he championed a three-no policy of no unification, no independence and no use of force under the ROC constitution, this fundamentally changed and created a virtuous cycle in cross-strait relations.

Under the adoption of the “92 consensus,” the cross-strait has signed 15 agreements, and the groundwork for ECFA was slowly realized after the six-round Chiang-Chen Talk. Moreover, Taiwan has expanded its visa waiver program from 53 to 113 countries and regions, and working holiday arrangement for young people increased from 2 to 6 countries.

The second line of defense is enhancing Taiwan’s contribution to international development, notably on the economic and diplomatic front. In the past 60 years, Taiwan has established an invaluable asset of an expansive business and personal network in South East Asia. Taiwan’s strategic geographical position, combined with the soft power of democracy and freedom created a “safer society” and enhanced quality of living. President Ma mentioned the special partnership Taiwan has with Japan, as the countries shared many cultural traits, ideas and sense of fashion.

On the diplomatic front, President Ma emphasized Taiwan’s contribution to the world. Taiwan’s role as a responsible stakeholder will directly affect its national security. On humanitarian aid, the president talked about the nuclear disaster in Japan where Taiwan donated $27 million on the very night of the disaster. The donation from the government and private sector totaled $200 million, which made Taiwan the largest donor country so far. In essence, the second line of defense raises Taiwan’s moral ground on the international political stage.

President Ma’s third line of defense is aligning Taiwan’s defense with diplomacy. He pointed out that Taiwan has two priorities. First, Taiwan needs to demonstrate credibility and trust toward its close diplomatic partners, especially the United States. Taiwan won’t create trouble for its friends, and will make full communication with other countries.

He said that Taiwan is confident about succeeding in building a small yet powerful military force. Negotiating with a giant like the Chinese mainland is not without risk. This is why he continues to urge the U.S. to provide Taiwan with necessary defensive weaponry, such as the F-16 and diesel-powered submarines. Taiwan needs to maintain a credible defense to stand on its feet.

President Ma did not avoid the sensitive topic of domestic stability and its importance to international relations. He solemnly said that a country’s overall strategy for security requires a sound political foundation in the domestic setting. The unwavering identification with the Republic of China and its constitution is the common denominator for Taiwan’s vibrant democracy, despite the wide spectrum of political views ranging from those who prefer Taiwan’s independence to those who enjoy the status quo and those who favor reunification with mainland China.

He said he will stick to the old no-frills, no-surprises diplomacy to transform Taiwan into a peacemaker, a contributor of humanitarian aid, a major promoter of cultural exchange, a center for innovation and business opportunities and the standard-bearer of Chinese culture.

After the president’s speech, the Taiwan Economic and Cultural Office in New York invited a few experts to lead a seminar including Jan Barris, vice president of the National Committee on United States-China Relations, Donald Zagoria, senior vice president of NCAFP and Professor Andrew Nathan of Columbia University to comment on the event. Overall, the feedback was quite positive, with a few differences in opinion. President Ma’s speech was overall effective in resolving several misunderstandings and explaining Taiwan’s position. This is the best he can provide at this moment.


上星期四即五月十二日,馬英九總統應華府「戰略與國際研究中心(Center for Strategic and International Studies,簡稱CSIS)」之邀,以「新時代的美台關係」為題,坦白檢討雙方雖無正式邦交,卻異常敏感的雙邊關係。

 馬英九並未去美國。對談採取視訊會議方式,台北與華府連線。各報駐美特派員與美國官員以及中國問題專家聚集在CSIS會所,其中有AIT人員、國務院遠東司台灣科長酈英傑、布魯金斯研究院卜睿哲等。外交部駐美五個辦事處皆在播出時(華府時間早晨八時半)招待賓客觀看現場播出情形。台北的中外記者群與有關官員,則占了時差的便宜,傍晚才齊集總統府禮堂,觀看節目。

 我讀到華府《聯邦新聞社(Federal News Service)》的全文錄音轉換為文字稿,長達十八頁。現任總統親自上火線,檢討雙邊關係,可謂史無前例。國內媒體雖曾摘要報導,究竟因時間所限,難求完整。希望本周這篇專欄,能使讀者獲得更翔實的印象。

 台灣許多人對CSIS並不陌生。它立場公正超然,處事嚴謹,規模龐大,僅全職人員就有二百二十人,還不包括經常撰文的朝野名流在內。公元二千年,CSIS曾經改組,由前喬治亞州參議員農恩(Sam A. Nunn,有人譯為龍恩,與發音不符)為董事長,因為他做過廿四年聯邦參議員,最為資深。原董事長何慕禮(John Hamre)則專任執行長。

 這次訪問馬英九,即由何慕禮親致歡迎詞,CSIS中國研究部門主任傅瑞偉(Charles A.Freeman)為對談人。台灣認識傅瑞偉的人可多了。此公在台中學過中文,曾任美國貿易談判公署副代表,專長就是台海兩岸關係。

 這次談話的記錄,總統府雖發布過中文新聞,遠不如CSIS的英文稿完整。馬英九天生有幽默感,開始時被問到他準備好了沒有,他只用一個字回答:「幾乎好了(Almost)」。引起滿場笑聲,這是一本正經的總統府做不到的。

 馬英九描繪他的大陸政策有「三道防線」,第一道是兩岸和解的制度化。大陸來台遊客去年已近三百萬人,較前增長十倍。兩岸貿易總額達一千四百多億美元。去年有五千六百名大陸學生在台就讀,今秋又將增二千餘人。此外,《兩岸共同打擊犯罪及司法互助協議》簽訂後,已有百名以上罪犯被遣送回台。

 他指出:這些成果要歸功於政府對兩岸關係的「新思維」,過去的「不穩定、不可預測性、不安全感」都減少了。他三年前就任時,台灣因上一個十年的錯誤政策,在亞太地區面臨被邊緣化。自從他提倡「不獨、不統、不武」的三不政策後,不但對兩岸關係的基本結構產生了變化,也創造了兩岸關係的良性循環。

 在「九二共識」下,兩岸已簽署十五項協議。六次「江陳會」正在逐漸落實ECFA規定的各項合作。對台灣旅客免除簽證的國家與地區已有一百十三個。年輕人寒暑假能去打工的地方,也增加到六個。

 第二道防線是增加台灣在國際發展上的貢獻,主要在經濟與外交兩方面。六十年來,台灣在東南亞地區建立的綿密商業與人脈網路,地理上的樞紐位置,與在民主自由方面的軟實力,造成一個「安全社會」,使台灣人能享受「高品質的生活」。馬也特別提到台灣與日本在文化傳統、想法思惟、甚至在流行產業上的「特殊夥伴關係」。

 在外交方面,馬英九強調台灣對國際社會所做的貢獻。台灣能否扮演一個「負責任的利害關係者(a responsible stakeholder)」的角色,直接與國家安全有關。他特別挑選「人道援助」為例,說日本核電震災,台灣當晚就捐到二千七百萬美元,總計政府與民間捐款共超過二億美元,是最大的捐款國。所謂第二道防線,就是讓台灣有一個國際政治上的道德高地。

 馬的第三道防線,是將國防與外交互相結合。他指出:台灣有兩個優先要務。首先要對最親密的友邦,特別是美國,建立起台灣對外的信用與信任。除了不會替朋友「找麻煩」外,還要和相關國家作「完整的溝通」。

 他說:台灣必須有自我防衛的決心;也須在新的全募兵制基礎上,強化防衛力量。他說「要和大陸這樣的一個巨人協商,並非沒有風險」,因而希望美國能繼續為我提供必要的防禦性武器,如F-16C/D型戰機與柴電潛艦等。自己有了力量,才能站穩腳跟。

 語云攘外必先安內,馬英九沒有迴避這個敏感話題。他語重心長地說:「國家安全戰略必須建立在國內完整的政治支持上」。在台灣民主社會中,「不管是對傾向法理台獨、支持維持現狀,或期待統一的民眾來說」,中華民國與中華民國憲法乃是大家都能接受的最大公約數。

 他承諾會嚴守「不浮誇」與「無意外」的界線,將台灣成為一個「和平締造者」、「人道援助提供者」、「文化交流推動者」、「新科技與商機創造者」和「中華文化領航者」。

 總統演說之後,我駐紐約辦事處隨即舉行座談會,邀請美中關係全委員會副會長白莉娟(Jan Berris)、資深副會長柴哥利亞(Donald Zagoria)、哥倫比亞大學教授黎安友(Andrew Nathan)等多位專家評論。大體都很稱讚,但也有不同的聲音。整體而言,馬這番談話,對澄清若干誤會,解釋台灣立場,不能說沒有效果,這也是他能做的最大限度了。
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