2012 Presidential Election Primary Reveals Republican Party’s Struggle

Published in People
(China) on 19 September 2011
by Zhang Yueru (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Qu Xiao. Edited by Jessica Boesl  .
A presidential candidate enjoying quickly rising popularity among the American voters is now making the senior Republican Party members restless — though unusual in the history of American presidential elections, this is the very situation Texas Governor Rick Perry is in right now.

Last Monday, the left-wing media outlet CNN and an organization under the right-wing tea party jointly held another televised Republican presidential debate. On the same day, former presidential candidate and former Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty announced his support of former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney. Pawlenty’s action is regarded as a result of the senior Republican Party members’ worries and concerns about Perry’s rising popularity in the election. More importantly, this reveals a quietly carried out struggle of ideology within the Republican Party: the collision of traditional party leaders and the conservative grassroots working class. And to a certain extent, this is a conflict between party planks, pragmatism and discrepancies in domestic politics and diplomacy.

More and more evidence shows that Perry, the governor from the south, and Romney, the governor from the north, have distinct campaign strategies. As a main supporter of the tea party movement, Perry takes the movement’s conservative supporters as his voter base. Meanwhile, former Massachusetts Governor Romney, who is from a place where liberal opinions are on the rage, takes the strategy of aiming for the swing voters.

Senior members of the Republican Party worry that the spread of the tea party movement will push the entire party to the right; a more radical party would inevitably lose quite a large number of swing voters, which, in the long run, is unfavorable to the party’s future development. Therefore, when some senior party members still have a wait-and-see attitude, some of them are showing their deep concern about Perry’s quickly rising popularity.

Perry’s recent words about Social Security, health care and welfare programs have caused quite a wave within the American political arena. He claims that the Social Security program, established in 1935, is nothing but a “Ponzi scheme” and should be abolished. Today’s Social Security, health care and welfare programs provide 56 million retired American people with retirement pensions. The money comes from the tax paid by employees and employers. The problem the program is facing right now is that it cannot make ends meet; that is to say, the retirement pension it gives out far exceeds its tax revenue. Politicians from the two parties both agree that this is a problem needing an urgent solution, and no one denies the necessity of the program. Perry’s opinion on this issue, however, is even more radical. He thinks that this program runs contrary to the Constitution and claims it is “something we [the American people] have been forced to accept for more than 70 years now.”

Such words are putting senior members of the Republican Party on edge. Quite a few senior consultants state clearly that they do not wish to see the reform of Social Security, health care and welfare programs become the theme of the presidential election next year. Many congressmen still have a fresh memory of the negative impacts brought by the reform of this program in 2005 during the Bush administration. At that time, President Bush tried to privatize the program and created panic among the voters and the Democratic Party and was a main reason for the Republican Party losing the majority of House and Senate seats the following year.

According to a survey carried out jointly by The Wall Street Journal and NBC, if the presidential candidate proposes to kill present Social Security, health care and welfare programs and let employees have the money they should have paid as tax so they can put it in the stock market instead, then 56 percent of the American voters will not support such a candidate. Respondents to the survey included 64 percent Democrats, 57 percent middle-of-the-roaders and 45 percent Republicans. Only one-third of Republicans said they would choose such a president. This is enough to show how dangerous it is for a politician to reform Social Security, health care and welfare programs.

Then why would Perry still take the bull by the horns? Analysts speculate that the two-year-old tea party movement played a significant role in the midterm elections in 2010. Among the candidates they supported, one-third won the election in the end, and these newly elected congressmen helped the Republican Party reattain the majority of seats in the House of Representatives. Apparently Perry believes in the power and strength of these conservative Republican supporters. But recent years’ presidential elections have proved that to win the final election, it’s very important to first win over the large number of swing voters, who can be said to be the key to success in the election. Therefore, if Perry wins the caucus, his campaign tactic may hold him back in the election next year. But then again, that will be a moment to test the influence the tea party movement has on America’s two-party politics.

Established in 1854, the Republic Party consists of many different factions, for example, the fiscally conservative house, the evangelical school, social conservatives and libertarians. These factions usually have overlapping yet still distinguishable opinions. Normally speaking, compared to the Democratic Party, the Republicans are prone to conservatism regarding social issues, such as standing against abortion and gay marriage, and they are inclined to libertarianism concerning the economy. They keep close relationships with Wall Street (national large enterprises) and Main Street (small- and medium-sized enterprises), and advocate for relatively low taxes; yet even so, very few labor unions and organizations will give them support.

Republicans agree that there should be a social security network to help poor populations, but the policies they support usually incur low expenses, receive no governmental support and, at the same time, have high standards for the qualification of beneficiaries. What’s more, the Republican Party strongly opposes the government-oriented universal health care system (for example the systems used in Canada and most European countries).


一位在选民中知名度日益提高的总统候选人,却让党内高层感到日渐不安——这在美国总统选举的历史上是不常见的,但是,这正是德州州长佩里面临的状况。

  上周一,左派媒体CNN和右派茶党运动下的一个组织联合举办了又一次共和党总统候选人电视辩论。就在这一天,前总统候选人、明尼苏达州前州长普兰提宣布支持麻省前州长罗姆尼。普兰提的行为被认为是共和党高层对佩里崛起所显示的不安。更重要的是,这显示了一场正在悄然进行的共和党意识形态之争:传统的党内领导和保守的草根阶级之间的对撞。在一定程度上,这是党派原则和实用主义之间的冲突,同时又融合着在国内政治和外交上的不同意见。

  越来越多的证据显示来自南方的佩里州长和北方的罗姆尼州长采用了两个截然不同的战略。作为茶党运动的主要支持者之一,佩里不折不扣地选择了观点较为保守的茶党运动支持者作为自己的选民基础;而来自自由派观点比较盛行的麻省的前州长罗姆尼采取了靠近中间选民的竞选策略。

  共和党高层担心茶党运动的盛行会将整个党派的观点向右推,变得更加极端,从而失去更多中间选民的支持。从长远来看,这对共和党的发展是不利的。因此,当有些党派高层还持观望态度时,部分党内高层对佩里支持度的日益上升深表不安。

  佩里最近关于社会安保福利项目的言论,在美国政坛引起了一阵唏嘘。他声称社会安保项目是一个“虚假的诡计”,应该废除。如今的社会安保项目为5千6百万退休的美国人提供退休金资助。这项收入来源于雇员和雇主支付的税收。这个福利项目最初成立于1935年。目前面临的问题是整个项目处于入不敷出的状态,即支出的退休金远远高于缴纳的税收收入。两个党派的政治家都认为这是一个需要亟待解决的问题,不过没有人否认这个福利项目存在的必要性。但是佩里在这个问题上的观点比其他政治家更极端。他认为这个福利项目有悖宪法,“美国人民被强迫接受这个项目长达70多年之久”。

  佩里的这个言论让共和党的高层坐立不安。不少高层顾问明确表示他们不希望社会安保项目改革成为明年竞选的主题。而很多国会议员对于2005年布什总统对社会安保项目改革所造成的负面影响仍旧记忆犹新。当时,布什总统试图把这个项目部分私有化,引发了民主党和选民的极大恐慌。这成为共和党在次年参众两院失去多数党席位的一个主要原因。

  根据《华尔街日报》和NBC的一份联合调查,如果总统候选人主张停止目前的社会安保项目,让雇员把这笔钱投入到股票市场上的话,56%的美国人不会支持这样的总统候选人。调查对象包括64%的民主党,57%的中间派,45%的共和党。只有三分之一的共和党成员说他们会选择这样的一位总统。这足以说明改革社会安全保障项目在政治上是多么的冒险。

  佩里为什么明知山有虎偏向虎山行呢?分析家认为作为已经酝酿了两年之久的茶党运动,在2010年的国会中期选举中发挥了巨大影响,他们支持的国会候选人有三分之一最后赢得选举。这些新当选的议员帮助共和党重新夺回众议院多数党的席位。佩里显然希望并相信这波保守派共和党支持者的实力和能量。但是,近些年美国总统选举的历史证明,想要最后赢得选举,必须拉拢数量庞大的中间选民,这部分人是决定选举成败的关键。因此,如果佩里最后赢得党内提名,他的竞选策略有可能让他在明年的大选中受到打击。不过那也是测试茶党运动对美国两党政治影响的一个时刻。

  成立于1854年的共和党由许多不同的派系组成,例如财政保守派、福音教派,社会保守派,自由意志主义派等等。这些派系的观点经常互相重合,但又有区别。一般说来,与民主党相比,共和党在社会问题上倾向于保守主义,反对堕胎和同性恋结婚等;在经济上接近自由意志主义,与华尔街(全国性大企业)和商业街(中小企业)都有着紧密的联系,主张较低的赋税,但很少获得工会团体的支持。

  共和党同意应该有个社会安全网络以协助那些较贫困的人口,但是,他们支持的政策通常开销较少,较不依靠政府支出,同时对于受益人的资格要求较严格。共和党强烈反对政府主导的全面医保制度(如加拿大和欧洲大部分国家的制度)。
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