China Must Possess the Capability to Restrict the U.S.

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 7 November 2011
by Yang Yucai (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jeffrey King. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
With the rise of China’s economic standing, changes in the relationship between China and the U.S. over the last couple years have led to people clamoring about the China-threat theory, misguided assumptions about the decline of America theory and the rise of the briefly in-vogue China-U.S. joint leadership theory. The author, however, believes that the real situation is that China does not pose a threat, the U.S. has not declined, and there certainly exists no prospect for joint leadership by China and America. Sino-U.S. relations manifest only in the cooperation and competition between China and the U.S. as members of a common world system. In restricting U.S. hegemony, China cannot shirk its own responsibility, nor can it blindly model itself after American-style democracy.

From the perspective of cooperation, the operation of the world system depends on America and China. For a long time, the U.S. drove the globalization process with its liberal economics and social value system. Now China is becoming an equally important driving force, on par with that of the U.S. America’s role is to protect and promote the current world system, while China’s contribution lies in becoming the world’s factory, able to meet the demands of global consumption. The work ethic of the Chinese and the creative spirit of Americans are both hard to replace.

Competitively speaking, China and the U.S. form a relationship of containment and restriction. The U.S. contains China, preventing China from presenting a threat to America’s status, while China restricts the U.S. by limiting America’s ambitions to use globalization to “stuff their own pockets.”

Of course, America’s containment of China only requires that the U.S. aim a portion of its strategic power at China. China’s restraint of the U.S., however, requires an all-around drastic increase in China’s comprehensive national power. In the realm of hard power, there exists a big difference between China and America’s economic and military strength. Therefore, there is no need for China to pursue a policy of overtaking the U.S. in strategic capabilities. However, America’s overall dominance should not be an overpowering one; rather, there should be some sort of reasonable balance.

Regarding soft power, China is striving to improve its cultural and political model so that it can withstand the pressure from America regarding its promotion of the American-style democratic system. China’s “historical mission” of restricting the U.S. within this global system ultimately means that when it comes to constructing a national system, China cannot blindly follow the U.S. China will not adopt American-style democracy. China can restrain the U.S., but only by preserving the soft power of its own political system model and by keeping its options open regarding other national development models.

Presently, China does not have the international political capability to restrain the U.S. In reality, it is currently the cooperation between China, Russia and a number of other countries that are fearful of American hegemony jointly working to restrict the U.S. With the expansion of economic ties, global governance needs to be further strengthened, but this does not mean that any single nation should be allowed to monopolize world power. In the future, even if global governance requires a relatively high concentration of power, it should be in the form of an executive power, not in the form of a decision-making power that affects the fate of nation-states. The U.S. can be a pillar within the world system, but it cannot be a manipulator of world power. In restricting hegemony, great powers cannot shirk their own responsibility. This is the reason why China and other responsible great powers cannot simply obey the U.S. or pursue the American model.



随着经济地位的提升,这些年来中国与美国的关系变化牵引出中国威胁论的骇人、美国衰落论的矫情和中美共治论的一时时髦。笔者则认为,真实的情况是中国没有威胁、美国也没有衰落,更不存在中美共治的前景,中美关系表现为中美两国在同一个世界体系中的合作与竞争。在制约美国霸权方面,中国不能推卸自己的责任,不能对美式民主亦步亦趋。

从合作的一面看,世界体系的运行离不开美国和中国。长期以来,美国以其自由主义经济和社会价值观推动全球化进程,而中国正在成为与美国同等重要的推动力。美国的作用是对现行世界体系的保护与促进,中国的贡献在于成为服务全球消费的世界工厂。中国人的劳动精神与美国的创新精神同样难以被取代。从竞争的一面看,中美构成遏制与制约关系。美国遏制中国,防止后者对美国的地位构成挑战。中国则制约美国,限制美国利用全球化“中饱私囊”的野心。

当然,美国遏制中国只需要将部分战略力量的使用方向锁定中国,中国制约美国则需要综合国力的全面跃升。在硬实力方面,中美经济、军事实力差距很大,中国不必追求战略能力的赶超,但是美国的整体优势不应该是压倒性的,必须存在合理的平衡。在软实力上,中国要争取提升自身的文化和政治模式,以便能够经受住美国推广美式民主制度的压力。在体系内制约美国的“历史使命”,决定中国在国家制度建设的方面不能亦步亦趋。中国不搞美式民主,有保持本国制度模式的软实力和国家发展模式的可选择性,才更能制约美国。

目前,中国制约美国的国际政治能力远不够强,事实上是中俄协作加上其他一些忧心美国霸权的力量在共同制约美国。随着经济联系扩大,全球治理需要进一步加强,但不应让任何国家独家垄断世界权力。未来即使全球治理需要权力相对集中,也应该是执行权,而不是民族国家命运的决定权。美国可以是世界体系的支柱之一,但不能是世界权力的操纵者。在制约霸权方面,大国不能推卸自己的责任,这就是中国还有其他负责任大国,不能听命于美国、追随美国模式的理由。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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