A New Chapter in American History

Published in Estadao
(Brazil) on 19 December 2011
by Lee Siegel (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jane Dorwart. Edited by Mark DeLucas.
The U.S. war in Iraq ended last Thursday, but no one seemed to notice. No excited crowds appeared in Times Square. There were no parades, no marines kissing nurses. The formal retraction by the United States of almost all of its soldiers — the rest will come home Dec. 31, leaving behind some hundreds of "consultants" — caused as much impact in people's lives as a dam rupturing in some distance country.

What occurred was that, during almost nine agonizing years of blood-soaked conflict in Iraq, the United States lived its life as if it were not engaged in war. It was a strange, surreal period. Almost 5,000 American soldiers were killed and, according to official estimates, more than 32,000 were wounded; hundreds of thousands of Iraqi fighters and civilians were killed or wounded. However, amazing reports of incredible carnage and atrocity got confused with the rise of reality shows on TV, the spread of idiocy on the Internet and the growing buffoonery of politics.

If the reader belonged to the happy majority of Americans whose sons, spouses, father or friends and beloveds were neither killed nor wounded in Iraq, he would have had no reason to feel involved in the war. I cannot think of another historical moment or another place in the world, where one segment of society was torn apart, while the other section lived as if nothing were happening. People were not indifferent: They were living a parallel existence.

The strange sensation that we were enjoying peace when we were really at war had much to do with the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11. When the United States invaded Iraq, almost two and a half years later, Americans felt that the worst of the violence had ended.

The Iraq invasion was not seen as the start of a prolonged war, but rather as a tying up of loose ends. People also felt that the real violence was in the future, with the possibility of a new attack on U.S. soil. What was happening in Iraq was a secondary show connected to the shocking past and an ominous future.

Attitudes about George W. Bush were also polarized. His supporters were optimistic in their vision of a complete victory, uncomplicated and happy. In their eyes, the Iraq conflict was a brief political action, necessary and almost painless: Iraq had run a red light and now would have to pay a fine. On the other hand, people who disapproved of Bush focused all their indignation on the 2000 election, which they believed he had stolen. For them, the war was Bush's war. Perhaps for this reason, there were no demonstrations against the war similar to those of the Vietnam era. It was their war (Bush and his supporters). They would end it.

And, as the war became more futile — when it became clear that, in a fragmented situation not even the least victory was possible — the specialists and intellectuals who had asked for the war were disconcerted, and they changed the subject. They retrospectively evaluated their fatal judgments and wrote books and essays making new proclamations about the future. The lucrative contracts they had received for defending the war they now received for lamenting the war. Unlike lost lives, lost words can be rejected and substituted with others.

The blessing and curse of American life is that Americans don't like to dwell on failures, and the Iraq War quickly ceased to occupy the attention of even historians.

This was a tragedy almost equal to the tragedy of the war itself. Just as the Peloponnesian wars ruined Athens, so the Iraq war some day will be considered the fatal directional change for the United States. More than the banking and real estate crises, the war in Iraq sank the American economy. Bush conducted the war without increasing taxes; he cut taxes. This was another surreal aspect of recent years. While one sector of the economy was burying $1 billion a day on an external conflict, the other sector was greedily rubbing its hands and asking for more and more money. The result was catastrophic.

Amazingly, one does not hear a single American politician, not even President Obama, blaming the war in Iraq for crippling the American economy. The temptation to enjoy a happy ending is too great. But, instead of an ending, last Thursday marked nearly nine years of a new chapter in American history, one that has just begun.


Novo capítulo da história americana

A guerra dos Estados Unidos no Iraque terminou na última quinta-feira, mas ninguém parecia saber disso. Não se viram multidões empolgadas em Times Square. Não houve desfiles.Não houve marinheiros beijando enfermeiras. A retirada formal pelos Estados Unidos de quase todos os seus soldados – o restante será mandado para casa em 31 de dezembro deixando apenas algumas centenas de "consultores" – causou quase tanto impacto nas vidas das pessoas quanto a ruptura de uma represa num país distante.
Ocorre que durante quase nove angustiantes anos de conflito encharcados de sangue no Iraque, o país levou sua vidacomose não estivesse havendo uma guerra. Foi um período estranho, surreal.Quase 5 mil soldados americanos foram mortos e – segundo o levantamento oficial – mais de 32 mil feridos; centenas de milhares de combatentes e civis iraquianos foram feridos ou mortos. No entanto,osrelatosdaincrível carnificina e atrocidade se confundiam com a ascensão dos reality shows na TV, o alastramento das idiotices na internet, a crescente bufonaria da política.
Se o leitor pertencer à feliz maioria de americanos cujos filhos, ou esposas, ou pais, ou amigos, ou amados não foram massacrados nem feridos no Iraque, ele não teve nenhuma razão para se sentir implicado na guerra. Não consigo pensar em outro momento histórico, em nenhum outro lugar da Terra, em que um segmento da sociedade era dilacerado enquanto outro seguia sua vida como se nada estivesse acontecendo. As pessoas não foram indiferentes. Estavam vivendo uma existência paralela.
A sensação estranha de que estávamos desfrutando paz quando estávamos realmente em guerra teve muito a ver com os ataques terroristas de 11 de Setembro. Quando os Estados Unidos invadiram o Iraque, quase dois anos e meio depois, os americanos sentiram que a pior violência havia terminado.
Invadir o Iraque não sugeria o início de uma guerra prolongada e sim a amarração de uma ponta solta. As pessoas também sentiam que a violência real estava no futuro, com a possibilidade de um novo ataque em solo americano. O que estava ocorrendo no Iraque era um show secundário ligado ao passado chocante e ao futuro aziago.
Houve também as atitudes polarizadas para o presidente George W. Bush. Seus apoiadores estavam tão otimistas com as perspectivas de uma vitória completa, descomplicada e feliz que a seus olhos a conflagraçãonoIraque era uma ação política breve, necessária e quase indolor: o Iraque tinha cruzado um farol vermelho e agora teria de pagar uma multa. Por outro lado, as pessoas que desprezavam Bush gastaram toda sua indignação no que consideraram seu roubo da eleição de 2000. Para elas, a guerra era uma guerra de Bush. Talvez por isso não houve manifestações portentosas contra a guerra, comoas da era Vietnã. Era a guerra deles. Eles que lhe dessem um fim.
E, à medida que a guerra se tornava mais fútil, que ficava claro que nada minimamente de uma vitória era possível numa situação fragmentada, desconcertante, os especialistas e intelectuais que haviam pedido a guerra mudaram de assunto. Eles avaliaram retrospectivamente seus julgamentos fatais e escreveram livros e ensaios intermináveis fazendo novas proclamações sobre o futuro. Os contratos lucrativos que haviam obtido para livros defendendo a guerra eles agora recebiam por livros lamentando a guerra. Diferentemente de vidas perdidas, palavras perdidas podem ser rejeitadas e substituídas por outras.
A bênção e maldição da vida americana é que os americanos não gostam de remoer fracassos, e a guerra no Iraque rapidamente deixará de ocupar a atenção até mesmo dos historiadores. Isso será uma tragédia quase igual à tragédia no Iraque. Assim como as Guerras do Peloponeso arruinaram Atenas, a guerra no Iraque algum dia será considerada a virada fatal dos Estados Unidos. Mais que as crisesbancária e imobiliária, a Guerra do Iraque afundou a economia americana. Bush não só travou a guerra sem aumentar impostos; ele cortou impostos. Esse foi outro aspecto surreal dos últimos nove anos. Enquanto um setor da economia estava enterrandoUS$ 1 bilhão por dia num conflito no exterior, outro estava gananciosamente esfregando suas mãos e pedindo cada vez mais dinheiro. O resultado foi catastrófico.
Espantosamente, não se ouve um único político americano, nem sequer o presidente Obama, culpando a Guerra no Iraque pela situação claudicante da economia americana. A tentação de fruir um final feliz é grande demais. Mas, em vez de um final, a última quinta-feira marcou quase nove anos de um novo capítulo da história americana que apenas começou.
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Hong Kong: From Harvard to West Point — The Underlying Logic of Trump’s Regulation of University Education

Germany: Horror Show in Oval Office at Meeting of Merz and Trump

Australia: America’s Economic and Political Chaos Has Implications for Australia

Germany: US Sanctions against the EU

Japan: Will the Pressure on Harvard University Affect Overseas Students?

Topics

Taiwan: The Beginning of a Post-Hegemonic Era: A New Normal for International Relations

Canada: Trump vs. Musk, the Emperor and the Oligarch

Russia: Trump Is Shielding America*

Germany: Peace Report 2025: No Common Ground with Trump

Australia: America’s Economic and Political Chaos Has Implications for Australia

Ireland: The Irish Times View on Turmoil in Los Angeles: Key Test of Trump’s Power

Germany: Friedrich Merz’s Visit to Trump Succeeded because It Didn’t Fail

Related Articles

Brazil: Americans Freely Voted Against Democracy

Brazil : US Media Fails in Its Coverage of the Election*

Brazil: With Trump’s Vice President, America’s ‘New Right’ Could Reach the White House

Brazil: What the Biden-Trump Debate Said about the Relationship between the US and China*