America’s Shift EastFaces Many Difficulties

Published in Guangming Daily News
(China) on 9 January 2012
by Wu Zhenglong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jonathan Dixon. Edited by Steven Stenzler.
Last year, after President Obama announced a “return to Asia,” America’s strategic interests have accelerated eastward. However, this is the strategic focus, not the strategic center of gravity. Twenty years ago, America’s strategic focus was in Europe with the Cold War. But that situation was completely different than today’s in Asia. In regards to the strategic focus for America, both the environment and the composition of relations between rivals are completely different.

First, the environment and global trends are different. The multi-polarization of the world and deepening economic globalization means the world has moved from war and violent revolution into an era of “peace and development.” Peace, development and cooperation have become the irresistible trends of the time. Today’s Asia has never had a European-style NATO or Warsaw Pact, European Community or Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, or other organizations that promote military and economic antagonism and confrontation. But there are some groups like APEC, the East Asian Summits 101 and 103, as well as other regional dialogue and cooperation mechanisms. The pattern for peace and development in Asia has been basically formed because East Asia has been a “latecomer” to the cooperation game, but the U.S. cannot “hoodwink the public” and change this pattern.

Secondly, today’s Sino-U.S. relations and U.S.-Soviet relations of the past are very different. In the past, hegemony was the main aspect of U.S.-Soviet relations, but now cooperation leads China-U.S. relations. There was no economic interdependence at even in the best of times; U.S.-Soviet trade did not exceed $4 billion and the Soviet Union never held U.S. Treasury bonds. Today, China-U.S. trade has reached $400 billion, and China is the U.S.’ largest creditor. This has forced a “you need me, and I need you” situation on both sides, making full confrontation between the U.S. and China difficult.

Third, China has a delicate relationship with both American allies (like Japan, South Korea and the Philippines) as well as the new “point” countries (such as Vietnam, India, etc.). In the past 30 years, China’s sustained rapid development has made the relationship between the U.S. and Asia more complex and caused American influence in the region to decline. There are apparently conflicts between Japan and the U.S. as well Korea-U.S. coordination difficulties. For many Southeast Asian countries, the U.S. has been reduced to a security force in the area. China is the largest trading partner of all the U.S. allies and the new “point” countries, making it difficult to escape dependence on China. In Asia there has been a “dual leadership structure” led economically by China and in security by the U.S. The Soviet Union did not have the same relationship with America's European allies. Indeed some countries in Asia seek to balance China and the U.S., but they are geographically close to China. For these countries, to please the U.S. is not necessarily to offend China. A few have used double-sided tactics like bringing in the U.S. against China, but they act as American thugs and not necessarily in line with their fundamental counter-China interests.

Fourth, in the past the U.S. spread “silver” throughout Europe and Asia and people ran with it. But in light of today’s economic difficulties, there is no longer such generosity with money and Asian countries may no longer follow it everywhere.

Finally, as the U.S. dominates the world, it faces a number of issues like the Arab conflict, the Iran nuclear issue, the war in Afghanistan and the financial crisis; it is impossible to focus all of its resources on China.

Constrained by the above factors, the refocusing of U.S. strategic interests eastward faces a large number of difficulties. But it is undeniable that as the U.S. refocuses in the post Cold-War environment, China faces the most serious challenges. We have to be taken seriously, not lightly.


 自去年美国总统奥巴马高调宣布“重返亚洲”以来,美国战略重心加速东移。但是,此战略重心,非彼战略重心。与20年前美国战略重心在欧洲、美苏冷战之时的情况相比,如今亚洲的情况则完全不同。同为美国战略重心,两者所处的大环境、构成成分以及对手之间的关系等,都有着重大区别。

  其一,大环境和世界潮流不同。世界多极化和经济全球化的深入发展,世界已从战争与暴力革命时代进入以“和平与发展”为主题的时代。和平、发展、合作成为一股不可阻挡的时代潮流,今日亚洲没有当年欧洲的“北约”与“华约”、“欧共体”与“经互会”等军事和经济上相互对立和对抗的组织,有的是亚太经合组织、东亚峰会、10 1和10 3等区域性对话与合作机制。和平、发展与合作的格局已在亚洲基本形成。作为东亚合作进程的“后来者”,美国不可能一手遮天,改变这个基本格局。

  其二,今日中美关系与当年美苏关系有着本质的不同。当年,争霸是美苏关系的主要方面,而今,合作是中美关系的主导面;当年,美苏在经济上没有什么相互依存的关系,美苏贸易额在最好的年景也未超过40亿美元,苏联亦不持有美国国债,而今,中美贸易额高达4000亿美元,中国是美国最大的“债主”,双方已在经济上形成你中有我、我中有你的局面。美国难以与中国全面对抗。

  其三,中国与美国的亚洲盟国(如日本、韩国和菲律宾等)以及“新的支点”国家(如越南、印度等)的关系微妙。在过去30年间,中国的持续高速发展,使得美国与亚洲国家关系变得更为错综复杂,美国在这个地区的影响已大不如前。日美矛盾显现,韩美协调困难,东南亚国家对美国的期待已缩减到安全这一单一领域。而在经贸方面,所有美国盟国以及“新的支点”国家的最大贸易伙伴都是中国,对中国的依赖已经难以摆脱。在亚洲出现了经济上靠中国、安全上靠美国的所谓“双领导格局”。苏联当年与美国的欧洲盟国关系完全无法与之相比。确实,亚洲国家中有些国家寻求在中美之间搞平衡,但是这些国家与中国在地缘上的紧密关系是无法改变的。对这些国家来说,讨好美国并不意味着要得罪中国,有人玩弄两面派手法,想引进美国,对付中国,但毕竟是少数国家,而且要他们充当美国的打手,和中国对抗也不符合他们的根本利益。

  其四,美国过去到欧洲和亚洲是撒“银子”的,那时候人家跟着跑;如今经济困难,手头拮据,早已没有当年“慷慨”和“大方”,亚洲国家未必事事一定会跟着它走。

  其五,美国要称霸世界,需要面对的难题很多,如阿以冲突、伊核问题、阿富汗战争、金融危机等,不可能集中精力和资源,全力对付中国。

  受以上诸多因素制约,美国战略重心东移难有大的作为。但是不可否认的是,美国战略重心东移是冷战后中国周边环境面临的最严峻的挑战。我们要认真对待,决不能掉以轻心。(中国太平洋经济合作全国委员会副会长吴正龙)
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