US Research and Policy Needs to Go Beyond “Conspiracy Theory”

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 7 March 2012
by Xue Fukang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Meghan Mcgrath. Edited by Katie Marinello.
Within the U.S. government, different departments and individuals hold varying points of view. They have different interests and policy objectives, and compete with each other in order to influence decision-making. Therefore, U.S. foreign policy-making is not a completely unified, rational process, but rather is made up of “various participants of the process bargaining and compromising.” Thus, "the final decision is likely to be neither rational, nor the best." This is senior researcher of the Academy of Social Sciences Zhou Qi’s impressive view expressed in her new book "Characteristics of the Process of Foreign Policy-Making in America.” In her book on the U.S. foreign policy-making system, she talks about the center of power, the president. In her introduction, she shows that presidential power is constrained not only by the agencies within the executive branch, but also by Congress, political parties, interest groups, public opinion, and other powerful factors. Sometimes the president has to compromise, sometimes not.

Not fully understanding the “ins and outs” of U.S. foreign policy-making makes it difficult to grasp the objectives and impact of that policy. In recent times, we often see the analytical framework of a conspiracy theory in the interpretation of a series of actions in the United States. In the public’s eye, diplomatic behavior in the United States can be summarized as a conspiracy theory and has drawn criticism. But as a strategic researcher, the author believes this conclusion is too simplified.

U.S. foreign policy is characterized by power, not conspiracy. The United States has never turned down talks with world leaders. If we have underestimated or even skipped over information of the U.S.'s involvement in regional affairs, then our strategic research is not up to par. In the next few decades, the United States will remain in power which has obvious advantages, as there are a wide range of alliance relationships and partnerships to be had. I see that small countries would like to borrow the power of the United States to counterbalance China, but to believe that the United States will play a game with East Asia to cause isolation and neglect is blind optimism. America's power policy is built on the strength of their ability to apply pressure. If the U.S. cannot keep enough pressure on others to sustain its power, then its power will “collapse onto itself.”

In short, the only real insight into the rationale of the U.S. foreign policy decision-making is that we cannot be surprised by the military lineup on our periphery. Do not read too much into each other's diplomatic language. Do not overestimate the role and affect of discussions between the U.S. and East Asia to settle major differences. It is hard to believe that talking with the U.S. president is the only way to settle relations. I hope that whatever consensus can be made will last for 10 years or more.


美国政府由多个持不同观点的部门和个人组成,他们具有不同的部门利益和政策目标,彼此竞争以影响决策,因而不应把美国的对外政策决策看作完全统一、理性的过程,而是“各种参与者讨价还价和妥协的过程”,“最后的决定很可能既不是理性的,也不是最佳的。”这是社科院美国问题专家周琪女士主编的新著《美国外交决策过程》一书给人印象最深的观点。她在书中对美国外交决策体系的权力中心—总统的介绍也表明,总统权力不仅受行政部门内各机构的制约,还受国会、政党、利益集团、公众舆论等多种强大因素制约。有时候总统不得不妥协;有时候总统说了也不算。


  不了解美国外交决策这些“底细”就难以正确把握美国外交政策的目标和影响。最近一个时期,在解读美国一系列行动上,我们常见到“阴谋论”的分析框架。作为公众一种直觉,把美国一些外交行为归纳为“阴谋”无可厚非。但作为战略研究者,仅这样“交卷”就过于简单了。


  美国外交政策的特征是强权而不是阴谋,美国从不讳言要当世界事务的“领导者”,如果低估、甚至漏估美国介入地区事务的“兴趣”,就是我们的战略研究不到位。今后几十年,美国在硬实力和软实力上仍将拥有明显优势,还有广泛的同盟关系和利益伙伴,在我周边还有一些小国想借用美国的力量抗衡中国,如果认为美国在全球和东亚战略博弈中“孤立”和“寡助”,那是盲目乐观。美国的强权政策建立在实力基础上,博弈的另一方如果不能对其形成足够压力,增加其维持强权政策的成本,这些政策不会“不攻自破”。


  总之,只有真正洞察美国决策的“所以然”,我们才不会对美国在我周边的“遣兵布阵”感到意外;不会过度解读对方的外交辞令;不会过高估计对话对解决两国重大分歧的作用;也不会认为只要与美国总统谈妥,就能搞定中美关系;更不会期望一次高访达成的共识就能规范10年,乃至更长时间内美国对华政策的走向。如此,我们才有望在战略博弈中取得更大的主动和成效。
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