Change in US Power Over the Last Decade (Part Two)

Published in The People's Daily
(China) on 11 May 2012
by Huang Ping (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Cheryl Tevis. Edited by Steven Stenzler.
Comparison and Analysis

The first part of this report summarized the condition of the U.S. economy and social well-being as well as its change in power over the last decade. Below is a comparison of the state of the economies and social well-being of the U.S., the European Union, Russia, China, Japan and India. Every effort is made to provide references in investigating the relative change in U.S. power. As the only superpower, there is no doubt that the general strength of the U.S. currently makes it the world's most powerful nation. However, in regards to various aspects of economic and social development, the EU, Russia, China, Japan and India have advantages over the U.S.

Biocapacity and Dependence on Resources

Investment in resources is a crucial element in maintaining social well-being and production of goods. Self-reliance on resources constitutes the mark of an independent nation in regards to the development of economy and social well-being. Natural resources not only include non-renewable resources such as oil, ore and coal, but also renewable resources such as forests, lakes and farmland. The present day issue is not limited to the depletion of non-renewable resources, but includes the inability of mankind to keep up with the use of renewable resources. As increasingly "green" methods start to affect economic policies and decisions, the strengths and weaknesses of the environment are determining what constitutes a competitive edge in the 21st century. In view of this, this report takes into account biocapacity as a factor of composite national strength by measuring natural resources provided through controlled use of common technology, as well as total area of land and waters used for dumping waste.

According to the Global Footprint Network's 2010 report, the ten countries with the largest biocapacity are Brazil, China, the U.S., Russia, India, Canada, Australia, Indonesia, Argentina and France. With regards to both total ecological supply and ecological need, the U.S. is second only to China, far above France, Germany, the U.K., Japan, Italy or any one country, and even surpasses the total of all of these.

In examining a nation's biocapacity, one must consider the effects of population. Looking at the per capita supply, Russia is the leader. The U.S. and France possess a higher per capita biocapacity than the EU's average of 2.89, but lower than North America's average of 4.93. Germany's per capita biocapacity is higher than the world's average of 1.78, but lower than the EU's average level. U.K., Italy and China's levels are higher than Asia's average of .82, but lower than the world's average. Japan and India's levels are lower than Asia's average. It is important to note that aside from fulfilling a nation's resource needs through domestic supply, they can also be fulfilled through imports. The U.S. (0.01) and China (0.03) are roughly equal in amount of per capita imports, and their dependence is relatively low. Germany (0.36) and France (0.74) have a relatively higher dependence on imported resources, while Japan (1.18), the U.K. (1.51) and Italy (1.91) have the highest dependence.

No nation wishing to develop economically and socially can do without strategic resources. In this report special attention is paid to each nation's dependency on imported resources. The higher a nation's dependency on imports, the more the stability and safety of its supply may be restricted. The U.S., Japan and the EU are behind Russia, China, India and other developing countries, but the U.S.'s situation is better than the EU and Japan’s. Among these, only Russia is able to fulfill domestic needs while exporting large amounts of resources--up to 60%-80% of its domestic use. Between 2000 and 2009 Japan's dependency on imported resources in no way weakened and actually rose gradually. During the same period, the EU's dependency dropped to some extent, from 53.2% in 2000 to 45.2% in 2009. In the last ten years the U.S., China and India's dependency rose slightly.

Gross Domestic Product and GDP Per Capita

The U.S. led the world in GDP in 2000, exceeding the EU, Japan and China; but by 2003, the EU had surpassed the U.S., and has since held the top rank. The U.S. has since held second place, followed by Japan and China. Examining the economic situation between 2000 and 2009 it may be seen that the GDPs of the U.S., the EU, Japan and China underwent relatively large changes relative to the world’s total; therefore a change in economic position was seen. The U.S. and the EU form the first echelon in international economy, both possessing a larger economy than Japan and China's put together. Japan and China make up the second echelon, both possessing a larger economy than Russia and India's put together.

Additionally, between 2000 and 2009, the U.S. slowly widened the gap between its GDP values and the EU's. It also widened the gap between its GDP and Japan and China's. In 2000, the difference between the U.S. and China's GDP was 8.753024 trillion. By 2007 the difference was 10.780239 trillion, and by 2009, after undergoing the global economic crisis, the difference shrank to 9.13427 trillion. At the time, according to International Monetary Fund projected data, the difference would drop to 8.8790 trillion in 2010 and to 8.7350 trillion in 2011.

The U.S.’s GDP per capita is not only greater than that of Japan and China, but is also greater than that of the larger economy of the EU. Keeping long-term trends in mind, in 2000, Japan's GDP per capita changed from slightly greater than the U.S. to slightly less. As for developing countries, China closed the gap in the last decade from 37 times less than the U.S. to 10 times; Russia closed the gap on the U.S.’s GDP per capita from 20 times less to 5 times; and, India closed the gap from nearly 80 times less to under 40 times.

Median Income

In regards to purchasing power parity (PPP), the top three countries in 1990 were the U.S., Japan and Germany. In 2000, the U.S., France and Japan held the top three positions; and, in 2008, the U.S., the U.K. and Germany were at the top. A great contrast was made apparent when Japan, Germany, France, Italy, the U.K. and other countries rose up and fell one after another, while the U.S. consistently kept its position at the top. Russia's median income was 40% of that of the U.S. in 2009, dropped to 21% in 2000, and rose to 33% in 2008, though the levels in 2008 were still lower than its median income in 1990. In total, from 1990 to 2008, the U.S. and the U.K. doubled their median incomes, with a rate of increase greater than Japan, Germany, France, Italy, and the rising and falling Russia. India, and especially, China saw even faster growth rates.

International Balance of Payments and Foreign Investments Income

Between 2000 and 2009, the total exports of the U.S., the EU and Japan, for the most part, stayed around 10% of each respective GDP. Looking at international balance of payments surplus, the U.S. trade deficit dropped from 3.84% to 2.74% in relation to its GDP. From 2000 to 2009, the U.S., the EU and Japan's dependence on foreign trade was less than that of China, Russia and India, and markedly less than export-oriented economies. Looking at how international trade contributed to boosting the economy, the performances of the U.S., the U.K. and India were slightly less those that of Russia, Japan and China.

The U.S. is still the top recipient of foreign direct investments, and received more than Japan, China, Russia and India from 2000 to 2009. Simply speaking, the use of foreign investments reflects a nation’s ability to benefit from another nation's wealth; in this area the U.S. still holds the top position. On the other hand, it is obvious that aside from reflecting a nation's investment environment, the amount of foreign capital also reflects the extent to which a nation is able to invest domestically. Since the 1980s, U.S. private savings started to become less than private investments, while domestic savings were insufficient to provide adequate funds to meet total investment demand. In order to maintain a growing economy, the U.S. needed to attract more international investment.

Price Level and Unemployment Rate

The consumer price indexes of the U.S. and EU show a certain degree of synchronization. From 2000 to 2010 both kept CPI within reasonable range of 4%, and more or less maintained the stability of price levels. In a nutshell, U.S. and EU price levels stayed generally stable, and did not undergo inflationary pressures like Russia and India, or deflationary pressures like Japan.

Looking at unemployment, even though U.S. rates from 2000 to 2008 did not exceed 6%, for three consecutive years starting in 2009 rates came close to or surpassed 9%. By that time unemployment had already become one of the U.S.'s most pressing social issues. Through a comparison of unemployment rates for the U.S., EU, Russia, Japan and China, it is easy to see that U.S. unemployment rates from 2000 to 2008 were lower than that of the EU and Russia, but that they surpassed that of the EU and Russia in 2009. Furthermore, the IMF predicted the EU's unemployment rate would again surpass that of the U.S. in 2010 and 2011. In comparison with Japan, aside from the U.S.’s unemployment rate decreasing in the first two years of the 21st century, it was higher than Japan's thereafter. The U.S.'s unemployment rate had been higher than China's throughout the entire decade.

National Debt and Fiscal Deficit

National debt constitutes a nation's debenture issued at home or abroad, or debts incurred from loans by foreign governments and banks. The debt to income ratio of a nation is an important measure of its health. From 2000 to 2007, the U.S. kept its debt to income ratio at around 35%. It broke past 40% in 2008, then 50% in 2009, and 90% in 2010. As for fiscal deficit, the U.S. surpassed the so-called alert level of 3% of deficit in proportion to GDP in 2008, and then reached and surpassed 10% in 2009. According to IMF's predictions, the U.S.'s fiscal deficit would fall in 2010, but only to 7%, and would drop to only 5% in 2011. In comparison, although the EU had a fiscal deficit of more than 4% from 2009 to 2010, it fell to slightly above 3% in 2011. Japan maintained a deficit of 4%. China's situation was even better, keeping its deficit below the alert level.

Military Strength

From 2000 to 2009, U.S. military spending not only exceeded that of Germany, the U.K., France, China and Japan, but steadily increased from less than 3% of the GDP in 2000 to almost 5% in 2009. Of all major economies, only Russia came close to the U.S. in military spending. For the past several years India has spent about 3% of its GDP on the military, and most years it spent more than the U.K. and France, both permanent members of the UN Security Council. In comparison, China spends the least of the five permanent member countries, and has spent about the same as Italy for many years. Under constitutional restrictions, Japan and Germany’s military spending are relatively low.

Space exploration capability is the complete embodiment of the level of a nation's technology and launch capabilities. Statistics from the Union of Concerned Scientists show that the world's total number of satellites launched from 2000 to 2010 was 651. During each year of this period, the U.S. launched more satellites than Russia, China, France, Japan, India, Italy, the U.K. and Germany. Every year for eight years between 2000 and 2007 the U.S. launched about half of the total of the nine countries combined, but fell to about one-third during the three years from 2008 to 2010. Throughout the decade the U.S. launched roughly as many satellites as the other eight nations, including Russia and China.

Of all new satellites, the U.S. applies one-third towards military use and one-fifth towards government provided services such as climate and seas surveillance. Over half are used commercially, and nearly one-tenth are applied towards civilian use. From 2000 to 2010, the number of new U.S. military satellites was five times that of China, and the number of new Russian military satellites was four times that of China. Additionally, looking at the use of the satellites, China only has one capable of two different types of services, while Russia has 29. The U.S. has over 40. In regards to the number of satellites providing public service, the U.S. and China surpass Russia. But in regards to commercial and civilian use, the U.S. leads Russia and, even more so, China. In fact, during the last decade the U.S. launched more new satellites than the BRIC countries - Brazil, Russia, India and China - put together; and notably launched more than double their new commercial and civilian satellites.

Technology and Education

The U.S. and Japan maintain a lead over China in the field of technology. In the Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, the U.S. scored ninth in higher education and training, 17th in technological readiness and first in innovation. Respectively, Japan scored 20th, 28th and fourth, while China scored 60th, 78th and 26th. Even though it will take time to make a qualitative leap forward, China is already closing the gap on the U.S. and Japan in cumulative quantity.

A correlation between technology education spending and military spending can be observed by analyzing World Bank data. From 2000 to 2009, U.S. technology education spending correlated to its military spending, and dropped from 1.92 in 2000 to 1.51 in 2009. From 2000 to 2005, China kept its technology education spending four times greater than its military spending. But beginning in 2006, it started to maintain about a 2.5 to one ratio. The main reason was because, in 2006, China's education spending dropped 40.7%. After an increase of 44.6% in 2007 and 38.4% in 2008, China's education spending finally met and surpassed its 2006 value by 18.7%. Not accounting for any other factors, in choosing between technology education development projects and military capability advancement, China weighs more importance on technology education development projects than the U.S. does.

Every year, from 2000 to 2007, the U.S. had more registered patents than China. But China's numbers surpassed the U.S. in 2008. It took just eight short years from the time when the U.S. had several times as many registered patents compared to China to the time when China surpassed the U.S. Japan has consistently led the U.S. in the number of registered patents, and its lead only grew larger from 2000 to 2009. Japan's numbers were nine times that of China in 2000, but only 30% more by 2009. The U.S. has not only fallen behind Japan in the number of registered patents, but has fallen further and further behind and been surpassed by China. However, the U.S.'s numbers have remained three to four times that of Russia's and far above India's numbers. For every 100,000 people who have patents, China is far behind the U.S. and Japan.

In terms of numbers of matriculated doctorate students, the U.S. maintains a lead over Japan, but is slowly losing its lead over China. Before 2002, India's numbers were lower than Japan's, but starting in 2003 they surpassed Japan. The ratio of American matriculated doctorate students compared to Japanese students dropped from 3.342 to one in 2000 to 2.995 to one in 2009. The U.S. population is one-forth of China's and two and a half times that of Japan. For every 100,000 matriculated doctorate students, the U.S.'s numbers amount to 1.2 times that of Japan and four times that of China.

Trends in Population and Human Development

With socialization's large-scale creation of various sectors, population factors play different roles, and are key elements in measuring composite national power. Generally speaking there are two ways population affects society: one, by determining the size of the workforce and overall size of the market; and two, by affecting the amount of per capita social resources and efficiency of social distribution. In 2000, the Chinese population was more than the populations of the EU, U.S and Japan put together, and by far exceeded the population of any one. India's population is second to China and is the only other country with a population of over one billion. The population of the EU is 480 million, almost 200 million more than the U.S., three times more than that of Russia and four times more than that of Japan. From 1999 to 2009, the population of China grew by nearly 70 million, India by over 130 million, the EU by over 10 million, the U.S. by over 20 million, Japan by nearly one million, and Russia's population decreased by nearly 4.5 million.

Looking at population growth rates, India and the U.S. have maintained long-term growth of at least double-digit numbers. For the most part they had a higher growth rate than China and the EU. Overall, the EU's population growth rate has increased, in large part because it continues to expand, while India, the U.S. and China's growth rates have fallen. As for Japan and Russia, successive years of no growth or even negative growth have created a serious social issue where they are facing the pressures of a shrinking population. China and India not only have large population bases, but continue to have higher population growth rates than the EU, and even higher rates than Japan, with its sustained negative growth.

Examining each nation's population of those 65 years and older in proportion to its total population, one can see that Japan and the EU face the greatest pressure of an aging population. Russia and the U.S. come in second, while China and India face the least pressure. Of course, the population of 65 and older in proportion to the total population reflects the level of a nation's health care. From 2000 to 2009, Japan's level of health care was the highest, followed closely by the EU and the U.S., while China's level of health care was relatively low.

The United Nations Development Program uses a Human Development Index to measure three fundamental indicators of progress: a long and healthy life, knowledge, and a decent standard of living. By examining their annual report, one can see that the ranking of every developed country fluctuated to varying degrees from 2000 to 2010. From 2000 to 2005, except for Italy rising in rank, the U.S., Japan, the U.K., France and Germany all saw a drop in rank to some degree. From 2005 to 2010, the U.S., France and Germany stopped their downward trend, while the U.K. continued the trend of the previous five years, dropping from the EU's top four to the bottom. Aside from Germany rising in rank from 2000 to 2010, other developed countries saw drops to varying degrees. In comparison, the U.S. dropped one place, but its overall ranking was still higher than other countries.

Populace Satisfaction with Current State and Future Direction of the Country

A nation's cohesiveness constitutes a key element of its composite power. A populace's level of satisfaction with the nation's current state and future direction may reflect its cohesiveness to a certain degree. Pew Research Center's 2005 survey shows that Chinese satisfaction with the current state was very high, with 72% of participants answering "satisfied." U.K. residents, Americans and Indians were relatively unsatisfied, with over half of participants for each country answering "not satisfied." French, Germans and Russians were highly unsatisfied, with over 70% of participants for each country answering " not satisfied."

As for the level of satisfaction with the future direction of the nation, results from the same survey reveal a downward trend for the U.S. from 2002 to 2008. Although levels were up some in 2009, they began to fall again in 2010. After France’s levels of satisfaction peaked in 2003 and hit its lowest in 2006. Although levels rose slightly thereafter, France never surpassed the 30% mark. In comparison, from 2002 to 2010, China and India’s level of satisfaction continued to rise, while Russia’s levels rose during 2008, though dropping substantially after 2009. From the results of this survey from 2002 to 2010, one can see that China and India’s levels of satisfaction were substantially increasing, Japan, German and Russia’s were slightly rising, and U.S., U.K. and France’s saw varying degrees of decline.

Conclusion

The step-by-step description above leads to the following brief conclusions:

First, although some unforeseen and sudden changes, such as the collapse of the Soviet Union, 9-11, and the financial and economic crises have played an important role in changing the extent of the U.S.'s composite power, the formation of power is a process and must be observed over a relatively long time.

Second, there is disparity between absolute and relative changes in the U.S.'s composite power. Even though it is fairly obvious that the U.S. economy is declining relative to the global economy, in absolute terms (volume,) the U.S. is advancing in many areas such as the economic volume, while in relative terms (speed, proportions, etc,) some areas are improving just as some are decreasing or weakening.

Third, in judging the U.S.'s change in composite power, a comparison with other nations and regions is necessary. Comparing the U.S. with Europe, Japan, China, Russia and India, it may be seen that in some areas there has actually been a shift in power, though it is not obvious in the short term. Despite the Pew Research Center survey showing the American populace to be increasingly dissatisfied with the direction of the country, since the disintegration of the USSR, the U.S. has consistently maintained its overall lead, especially in the fields of technology and military to the extent that no other nation has yet to pose a serious challenge.

Fourth, from a comparison perspective, looking at the general description of change in composite power of nations or regions, no serious competitors have appeared on the world stage yet. Although the EU and Asia are the strongest just behind the U.S., the EU will not be able to match the U.S. without projecting the unified strength it is lacking in its state of change; and, Asian countries (namely those mentioned in this report) are even further behind in terms of unified regional strength.

Fifth, since the situation regarding many of the topics mentioned, such as the financial crisis are constantly changing, this report only illustrated some factual differences, and therefore did not go into in-depth analysis or causality.


美国的力量变化:10年来的一些轨迹(下)
 
二、一些比较和分析

  本报告前面描述了10年来美国的经济社会状况和国力变化情况。下面从比较的视角来看美国相对于欧盟、俄罗斯、中国、日本和印度的经济社会状况,力求为探讨美国力量的相对变化提供参照。作为唯一的超级大国,美国的总体实力无疑是当今世界最强的。但在经济社会发展的不同方面,欧盟、俄罗斯、中国、日本和印度各自拥有自己的比较优势。

  1.生态供应能力和能源依赖度

  资源投入是维持社会生产所不可或缺的要素。资源自给能力构成一国自主经济社会发展的重要指标。自然资源不仅包括石油、矿石、煤炭等不可再生资源,也包括森林、湖泊、耕地等可重复利用资源。当前时代面临的资源问题并不局限于不可再生资源的日渐匮乏,人类以超过资源再生速度的方式利用可再生资源也成为一个突出问题。在绿色增长方式开始影响经济政策选择时,生态环境的优劣成为决定21世纪竞争优势的重要因素。有鉴于此,本报告将生态供应能力(biocapacity)作为衡量综合国力的一项指标。它测度的是通用技术条件下为人类活动提供自然资源或吸收废弃排放的土地和水域的总面积。

  按照全球足迹网络2010年度报告统计,在全球范围内生态供应能力排在前10位的国家分别是巴西、中国、美国、俄罗斯、印度、加拿大、澳大利亚、印度尼西亚、阿根廷和法国。从总生态供应能力上看,美国仅次于中国,远超法、德、英、日、意任意一国,甚至超过这些国家的总和。另一方面,美国的生态需求也仅次于中国,并超过法、德、英、日、意各国的总和。

  考察一国的资源供应能力,就不能不考虑人口因素的影响。从人均供应能力看,俄罗斯处在领头羊位置。美国和法国拥有高于欧洲平均水平(2.89)但低于北美平均水平(4.93)的供应能力。德国的人均供应能力高于世界平均水平(1.78),但低于欧洲平均水平。英国、意大利和中国的人均供应高于亚洲平均水平(0.82),但低于世界平均水平。日本和印度的人均供应能力低于亚洲平均水平。需要说明的是,一国对资源的需求,除了通过国内生产来满足外,还可以通过国际进口的方式来满足。以人均进口量为标准,美国(0.01)和中国(0.03)大体处在同一水平,对进口资源的依赖性相对较低;德国(0.36)和法国(0.74)对进口资源的依赖性相对较高;日本(1.18)、英国(1.51)和意大利(1.91)对进口资源的依赖性最高。

  能源是经济社会发展不可缺少的战略资源。在这里,本报告还特别关注了各国对进口能源的依赖。一国对进口能源的依赖越高,其能源供应的稳定性和安全性就越有可能受到制约。美、日、欧发达国家整体上不如俄、中、印等新兴经济体,但美国的情况好于欧盟和日本。其中,只有俄罗斯能在满足国内需求的情况下,还进行大量的能源出口,其出口量大致相当于国内使用量的60%~80%。在2000—2009年间,日本对进口能源的依赖度并未减弱,事实上还缓慢上升了。相反,欧盟在此期间对进口能源的依赖度有所下降,由2000年的53.2%下降到了2009年的45.2%。10年间,美国、中国、印度对进口能源的依赖度都有小幅上升,但中国对进口能源的依赖明显低于印度和美国。

  2.国内生产总值和人均生产总值

  美国国内生产总值在2000年时高居世界榜首,在总量上高于欧盟、日本和中国。到2003年,欧盟国内生产总值首次超过美国。此后,欧盟一直占据着国内生产总值排行榜首位,美国居次席,再后是日本、中国。观察2000—2009年间的世界经济情况,可以发现,美、欧、日、中国内生产总值各自占全球总额的比例有较大变化,其经济地位的变化由此也略见一斑。从绝对规模看,美国和欧盟构成了国际经济领域真正的“第一梯队”,它们各自的经济规模都超过了日本和中国的总和。日本和中国处在“第二梯队”,各自的经济规模超过俄罗斯和印度之和。

  另外,2000—2009年间,美国相对于欧盟的总量差距在缓慢扩大,而相对于日、中的总量优势也依然在缓慢扩大。就中国而言,它在2000年时相对于美国的差距为87530.24亿美元,这一差距在2007年扩大为107802.39亿美元,受全球经济危机影响,该差距缩小为2009年的91342.7亿美元。按照IMF的预测数据,2010年中美经济总量差距为88790亿美元,2011年为87350亿美元。

  以人均国内生产总值为判断标准,美国不仅领先于日本和中国,也领先于经济总量更大的欧盟。从大的趋势看,日本人均国内生产总值从2000年小幅领先于美国变成小幅落后于美国。对新兴经济体而言,中国10年中成功地将差距由37倍缩小为10倍;俄罗斯与美国人均国民生产总值的差距由2000年的20倍缩小为5倍;印度则从接近80倍缩小为40倍以下。

  3.人均国民收入

  从购买力平价法计算的人均国民收入看,美国、日本、德国在1990年的排名中分列前3;美国、法国和日本在2000年分列前3;美国、英国、德国在2008年分列前3。与日、德、法、意、英等国此起彼伏形成极大反差的是,美国一直都处在榜首位置。俄罗斯1990年人均国民收入相当于美国的40%,2000年时下降为相当于美国的21%,2008年虽上升为相当于美国的33%,但仍然低于1990年的水平。总体来讲,在1990—2008年,美国和英国实现了人均国民收入翻倍的增长,增速高于日本、德国、法国、意大利以及先降后升的俄罗斯。相对来讲,中国和印度的增速更快,而中国的表现更为突出。

  4.国际收支平衡和外资流入

  2000—2009年间,美国、欧盟、日本出口总额分别占其国内生产总值的比例基本维持在一成左右。从国际收支盈余看,美国贸易赤字占国内生产总值的比例从3.84%下降到2.74%。从2000—2009年间的情况看,美国、欧盟、日本的外贸依存度低于中国、俄罗斯和印度,与后者的“出口导向型经济”形成明显对比;以国际贸易对经济增长的贡献看,美国、欧盟和印度的表现稍逊于俄罗斯、日本和中国。

  从吸收外商直接投资(FDI)总额看,美国依然是外商投资的首选地。2000—2009年间,美国在任何单独年份吸收的外商直接投资都高于日本、中国、俄罗斯和印度。通俗地说,利用外资的额度反映了一国“借鸡生蛋”的能力,在这方面,美国依然处于领先位置。当然,从另一方面看,外资规模除了反映一国的投资环境外,也能反映出国内投资水平。美国自上世纪80年代以来,私人储蓄开始小于私人投资,国内储蓄不足以提供足够的资金来满足其总的投资需求。为了维持经济增长,美国需要吸引更多的国际投资。

  5.物价水平与就业状况

  从物价水平看,美国和欧盟的消费者指数表现出一定的同步性,在2000—2010年间一直都控制在4%的合理范围之内,大致维持了价格水平的基本稳定。简而言之,美国和欧盟物价水平总体稳定,既没有俄罗斯、印度的通胀压力,也没有日本通货紧缩的压力。

  从就业水平看,尽管美国在2000—2008年间失业率从未超过6%,但从2009起连续3年接近或超过9%,就业问题已经成为美国当前最紧迫的社会问题之一。通过对美国、欧盟、俄罗斯、日本和中国的失业率进行比较,不难发现,美国失业率在2000—2008年间一直低于欧盟和俄罗斯的失业率,但2009年超过了欧盟和俄罗斯,而国际货币基金组织的预测显示,欧盟在2010和2011年度的失业率将重新超过美国。同日本相比,美国的失业率除了在21世纪头两年稍低以外,此后一直高于日本。同中国相比,美国的失业率始终高于中国。

  6.政府债务和财政赤字

  政府债务是一国政府在国内外发行的债券或向外国政府和银行借款所形成的债务。政府债务占国内生产总值的比例,是衡量一国财政健康状况的重要指标。在2000—2007年间,美国一直将这一比例维持在35%上下,但2008年突破了40%,2009年则进一步突破50%,2010年更是超过了90%。财政赤字占国内生产总值的比重,美国在2008年突破了通常所说的警戒线(3%),2009年更是达到或接近10%。按照国际货币基金组织预测,美国赤字率在2010年虽有所回落但仍然接近7%,甚至到2011年也会超过5%。相比较而言,欧盟赤字率虽在2009、2010两年超过4%,但在2011年将回落到稍高于3%;日本则将维持4%的赤字率;中国在这方面相对更好,始终将赤字率控制在警戒线以下。

  7.军事力量

  2000—2009年间,美国军费支出不仅在绝对数上超过德国、英国、法国、中国和日本诸大国之和,而且,军费支出占国内生产总值的比重也在不断提高,从2000年不到3%的比重,提高到了2009年接近5%的比重。相比较而言,主要经济体中只有俄罗斯维持过高于或接近美国比例的军费支出。印度多年来一直维持3%左右的军费支出,在多数年份高于英、法这两个安理会常任理事国的军费支出比例。相比较而言,中国的军费支出比例一直是5个常任理事国中最低的,长期以来大体与意大利持平。受和平宪法限制,日本和德国的军费支出比例相对低一些。

  太空探索能力是一国科技水平和运载投送能力的综合体现。忧思科学家联盟的统计显示,2000—2010年间全球范围内发射卫星总数为651颗。在这期间,美国在任何单一年份单独发射卫星的次数都高于俄罗斯、中国、法国、日本、印度、意大利、英国和德国。在2000—2007年的8年间,美国每年发射卫星次数占9国总和的比例始终保持在1/2左右,这一比例在2008—2010年的3年间下降到1/3左右。综合2000—2010年结果看,美国单独发射卫星的次数大致等于包括中俄在内8国的总和。

  从新增卫星的用途看,美国有1/3的新增卫星都有军事用途,有1/5是为政府提供诸如气象、海事等方面的服务,有超过1/2是用于商业目的,有近一成是用于民用目的。 2000—2010年间新增卫星中,对美国有军事用途的新增卫星约为中国的5倍;而对俄罗斯有军事用途的新增卫星约为中国的4倍。另外,从卫星的用途看,中国只有1颗卫星承担了两种不同类型的任务,俄罗斯有29颗卫星承担了两种不同类型的任务。而美国则有超过40颗卫星承担两种不同类型的任务。利用卫星提供公共服务方面,美国和中国优于俄罗斯。但在商用和民用方面,美国领先于俄罗斯,更领先于中国。事实上,2000—2010年间,美国新增卫星数超过了“金砖四国”新增卫星的总数。特别在商业和民用领域,美国新增卫星数超过四国总和的一倍。

  8.科技教育水平

  在科技领域,美国(和日本)保持着对中国的巨大优势。在2010—2011年度《全球竞争力报告》中,美国在高等教育、技术持有和创新能力上分列全球第9、第17和第1位;日本在这三项指标上分列全球第20、第28和第4位;中国则分列第60、第78和第26位。尽管在质的飞跃上中国尚需时日,但在量的积累上中国正在缩小同美国和日本的差距。

  在这里,可以比较中美两国科技教育总支出与军费支出的比例关系(“比值”由世界银行数据计算得出)。对美国来讲,科技教育总支出相对于军费支出的比值从2000年的1.92下降到了2009年的1.51。在2000—2005年间,中国的科技教育总支出一直维持在4倍于军费支出的局面,但从2006年开始,这一比值开始维持在2.5上下。这主要是因为中国的教育支出在2006年下降了40.7%。经过2007年44.6%和2008年38.4%的增长之后,中国的教育支出才超过2006年并实现18.7%的增长。不考虑其他因素的影响,在发展科技教育事业和提高军事能力的抉择中,中国比美国更侧重强调发展科技教育事业。

  以居民注册专利数为例,美国居民注册专利数在2000—2007年间一直高于中国,但被中国在2008年超越。美国居民注册专利数从数倍于中国到被中国超越只用了短短8年时间。日本在居民注册专利上一直高于美国,这一差距在2000—2009年间进一步扩大。日本的居民注册专利数在2000年时9倍于中国,但到2009年仅高出中国30%。从注册专利数来看,美国不仅落后于日本,而且还被一直落后于它的中国超越,但一直高出俄罗斯3~4倍,更遥遥领先于印度(以每百万人拥有专利数来衡量,中国远远落后于美、日)。

  以年度新增博士人数来看,美国保持了对日本的数量优势,但对中国的数量优势正在逐渐消失。2002年前印度新增博士人数低于日本,但2003年起超过了日本。美国新增博士人数相对于日本新增博士人数的比值从2000年的3.342下降到了2009年的2.995。美国人口规模不足中国的1/4,同时约为日本的2.5倍。不难发现,美国“每百万人中新增博士人数”约为日本的1.2倍,约为中国的4倍。

  9.人口变化趋势和人文发展指数

  在社会化大生产的各个环节,人口因素发挥着不同的作用,是衡量综合国力的重要要素。总的来说,人口因素的影响具有两面性:一方面,它决定着劳动力的充裕程度和消费市场的整体规模;另一方面,它影响着社会资源的人均占有量和社会分配的效率。2000年时,中国人口总量超过欧盟、美国和日本的总和,并远超过其中任何一方。印度人口总量仅次于中国,是另一个拥有10亿以上人口的国家。欧盟人口总量为4.8亿,高出美国近两亿,约为俄罗斯的3倍和日本的4倍。到2009年时,中国的人口总量在10年间增长了近7000万,印度人口增长了1亿3000多万,欧盟增加了1000余万,美国增长了2000多万,日本只增长了不足100万,俄罗斯则减少了近450万。

  从各方人口增长率来看,印度和美国长期保持了两位数以上的增长率,两国的人口增长率在大部分时间都高于中国和欧盟。总体上看,欧盟的人口增长率在上升(很大程度上可能是因为欧盟持续扩大造成的),而印度、美国、中国的增长率则在下降。对日本和俄罗斯来讲,持续多年的人口零增长甚至是负增长已经成为严重的社会问题,面临人口萎缩的压力。中国和印度人口基数大,人口增长率又一直高于欧盟,更高于持续负增长的日本。

  考察各方65岁以上人口占总人口的比例,可发现,日本和欧盟面临的老龄化压力最大,俄罗斯和美国次之,中国和印度最小。当然,65岁以上人口占总人口的比例也反映着一国医疗卫生水平的高低。2000—2009年间,日本的医疗卫生发展水平最高,欧盟和美国发展水平紧随其后,而中国的医疗卫生发展水平相对较低。

  从综合性指标来看,联合国开发计划署采用人文发展指数,来衡量一国在健康长寿、教育普及、生活体面这三个基础指标上取得的进展。考察联合国开发署年度人文发展报告,可以发现发达国家的排名在2000—2010年间均有不同程度的起伏。在2000—2005年间,除意大利排名上升之外,美国、日本、英国、法国和德国的排名都出现了不同程度的下跌。在2005—2010年间,美国、法国和德国止跌回稳;英国则继续了前5年下跌的势头,从欧盟四强的首席沦为垫底。综合2000—2010年情况看,除德国排名上升之外,其他发达国家都出现了不同程度的下跌。比较而言,美国下跌了一个名次,但其整体排名依然高于其余诸国。

  10.民众对国家发展方向的满意度

  国家凝聚力是一国综合国力的重要构成要素。民众对国家当前状况以及发展方向的满意度在一定程度上能够反映一国的凝聚力。皮尤研究中心(Pew research center)2005年的调查显示,中国民众对本国当前状况的满意度最高,72%的受访者回答“满意”。英国、美国和印度民众对本国“当前状况”相对不满,均有一半以上受访者回答“不满意”。法国、德国和俄罗斯民众对本国“当前状况”非常不满,各有超过70%受访者回答“不满意”。

  对国家发展方向的满意度调查结果显示,2002—2008年间,美国民众对国家发展方向的满意程度呈下降趋势。2009年民众满意度虽有所提高,但2010年又出现了下跌的趋势。法国民众的满意度在2003年达到峰值之后,于2006年跌至谷底,之后虽有所回升,但始终未超过30%。相比较而言,在2002—2010年间,中国和印度的民众满意度在持续上升,俄罗斯在2008年持续上升但在2009年后出现了大幅下跌。对比2002年和2010年各国民众满意度调查结果可以发现,中国和印度的民众满意度有大幅度的提高,日本、德国和俄罗斯有小幅上涨;美国、英国和法国则出现了不同程度的下跌。

  三、简短的结论

  综上所述,本报告从描述的层面提出以下几个简短结论:

  第一,美国综合国力的形成是一个历史过程,因此也需要从比较长的时间来观察其变化,虽然一些事变或突变(例如苏东解体、“9·11事件”、金融风暴和经济危机 )也对综合国力的变化有重要作用。

  第二,美国的综合国力变化有绝对值变化和相对值变化之差别,在绝对值(总量)方面,美国在很多方面(如经济总量)还在走高,在相对值(速度、比重等)方面,也是有的在提高,有的在降低或减弱,尽管美国经济在世界经济中的比重降低比较明显。

  第三,判断美国的综合国力变化,还需要把它与其他国家和地区加以比较,从与欧、日、中、俄、印的比较来看,在一些领域,确实在发生着力量此消彼长的现象,虽然从短期看许多方面还并不十分明显。而美国自苏东解体以来,一直保持着总体领先地位,尤其在科技和军事领域,目前尚无国家和地区对其构成严重挑战,尽管按照皮尤中心的连续民意调查,美国在发达国家中民众对本国发展方向的满意度是偏低的并且在持续走低。

  第四,从对国家(或地区)的综合力量变化的一般描述、比较层面看,目前尚未出现“几足鼎立”的世界格局,虽然欧盟和亚洲是在美国之后综合力量最强的地区,但是欧盟的整合还在进行之中,本身并没有构成一个国家的力量形态,如果分别观察欧盟相关国家的综合实力,其无一能与美国匹敌,而亚洲各国(例如本报告所列举的中国、日本和印度),就更是远远没有形成统一的区域性力量。

  第五,在有所变化的领域(其中许多还在发生过程之中,例如金融风暴及其后果),本报告只能列出一些事实差别,但由于没有做深入分析,还看不出其中的因果关系。
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