130 Years Later: US Apologies and Growth

Published in Nanfang Daily
(China) on 21 June 2012
by JingJun He (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Emily Zhang. Edited by Adam Talkington.
In “Writings on Empire and Slavery,” Alexis de Tocqueville expressed his commented on slavery, saying, “Slavery before civilized society was interaction between slaves in the same group. Even in ancient Roman society, there were exchange mechanisms for ‘slaves’ to become ‘free men.’”* Yet, after almost 1,000 years of civilized society, the existence of the black slavery system in the American continent allowed human society to systematically force an entire race to become slaves. It was particularly hateful because it blocked the road to slave liberation not only for one person, but also for his or her descendants, who would be lifelong slaves.

The black slavery system was a “throwback” phenomenon, from the time when the light of European civilization shown upon the world. The system reflected the cruel choice made by the U.S. when the New World was faced with double scarcities in labor and development capital. The system covered up the white settlers’ defects in obtaining ownership of the land by stealing from the natives. The whites, who had never been challenged, appeared as the first masters of the continent and started ordering around other ethnicities. So, it came as no surprise that, in the latter half of the 19th century, the United States launched a [campaign of] systematic racial discrimination against the Chinese community who traveled across the ocean for the Gold Rush.

Black slavery is not a U.S. “patent.” At the time, everywhere on the American continent and in the Caribbean Islands, one could hear the roar of black slaves. The well-known economic historian Jeremy Attock revealed a phenomenon in his work, “A New Economic View of American History:” The number of black slaves that were shipped into the U.S. from Africa was far fewer than that of those shipped to other countries and regions in the Americas. Yet, 100 years later, according to Attock’s data, the black population in the U.S. continued to expand, and their average height was taller than those living elsewhere in the Americas, who had negative growth due to abuses.

This shows that there remains a positive energy in the U.S., coinciding with a fall and rise in morals, which enables the country to balance between the role of a moderate good and a Nazi-like evil. The significance of the Civil War lies not only in the fact that the U.S. protected unity, but that it also received a re-baptism for the equality of its people. Attock’s book reveals that after the Civil War, blacks in the Americas migrated to the U.S. at an increasing rate, further elevating the total African American population. Blacks eventually became the backbone of the American civil rights movement. Regardless of black or other ethnic minority groups, their loyalty to the country in the World War II made whites with absolute economic, financial and political privileges rethink the future of the U.S. It was within this framework that Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech received an echo-response from all of society with the "March on Washington" movement.

The attack on Pearl Harbor, disgust for Japan’s stealthy submarines and fear of invasion of California jointly contributed to the experiences of Japanese-Americans during World War II. Japanese-Americans were considered "national enemies" and put into concentration camps. These concentration camps were limited to the spatial concept of concentration camps, rather than the genocide taking place in Nazi concentration camps, but were still a [kind of] reflection of the evils of Nazi Germany. Similarly, the Chinese Exclusion 130 years ago was evil, but less so in comparison to the system of black slavery – a reflection of old evils.

The U.S. principle of action – pragmatist philosophy – determined its nature of making unimaginable efforts, dependent on external circumstances, when not thoroughly correcting its old evils. With the rise of the Japanese economy in the 1970s, the public image of the Japanese and Japanese-Americans has been changed dramatically. When a number of Japanese civil rights leaders demanded U.S. apologies for the historical injustice [carried out] on Japanese-Americans, the U.S. Congress passed several acts. It not only passed the Apology Bill, but also gave compensations specific to each individual. When China and the U.S. formed an anti-fascist alliance early in World War II, the U.S. repealed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which had existed for 60 years. This type of apology by the U.S. does not come from a strong internal moral self-examination, but rather reflects the balance of domestic and foreign interests – a realistic exchange of interests. There is no doubt that the realism of the exchange of interests helps America remain balanced between saint-like America and empire-like America, but it also assists the growth of U.S. prosperity.

The U.S. apology (for the Chinese Exclusion Act) whether or not it has suffered the dark psychological impact of pragmatism, is based on one premise: the recognition of the historical errors – wrong is wrong. The apology for the Chinese Exclusion Act, unlike other historical apology cases, involved compensation for the Chinese, but it was also a national apology case – after 130 years – unanimously approved by the Senate and House of Representatives. It was enough to show an apology of good faith.

The author is an Associate Professor of Political Science of the Southwest University, China

*Editor’s Note: This quote, accurately translated, could not be found in the English translation of the cited text; however, the sentiment expressed by the quote seems to correspond to a passage in de Tocqueville’s seminal work “Democracy in America:” “The slave, amongst the ancients, belonged to the same race as his master, and he was often the superior of the two in education and instruction. Freedom was the only distinction between them; and when freedom was conferred they were easily confounded together.”


历经130年之后,美国的道歉与美国的成长

作者:和静钧

托克维尔在《论帝国与奴隶制》一书中曾发出这样的感慨:文明社会之前的奴隶制,是同一族群之间的相互奴役,古罗马社会中尚有“奴隶”转变“自由人”的互换机制,而在文明社会存续近千年后在美洲大陆所出现的黑奴制,却是人类社会系统性地把某一种族全部沦为奴隶的制度,它的可恶,尤其在于堵住奴隶解放之路,不仅是个人终身为奴,其后人也是代代为奴。

黑奴制在欧洲文明之光闪耀世界之时出现,是历史“返祖”现象,它反映了新大陆劳力与开发资本双重匮乏后的残忍选择,黑奴制掩盖了白人移民窃取原住民对这一片大陆所有权的原始取得瑕疵,他们以第一以及从未受到挑战的大陆主人身份,开始对其他种裔指手画脚。没有任何人会惊讶,19世纪后半叶,美国会对远涉重洋、前来淘金的华人群体发动一场系统性的种族主义歧视运动。

黑奴制不是美国的专利,当时的美洲大陆及加勒比诸岛上处处可听到黑奴的哀嚎。著名经济历史学家杰里米·阿塔克的《新美国经济史》中揭示了一个现象:从黑非洲输入美国的黑奴,数量远远少于输入到美国之外的各美洲国家和地区,然而,阿塔克的数据表明,百年之后,黑人在美国的人口增长率、平均身高等远高于其他地方,美洲一些地方出现负增长,原因是黑人普遍受到虐待与残害。

这就是美国在道德坠落与升腾之时,依然保持着一股正能量,它令其行恶在适可而止与行恶纳粹化之间拉回到平衡点。南北战争的意义不只是美国保护了统一,还在于接受了一场众生平等的重新洗礼。阿塔克的书揭示,南北战争之后,美洲各地黑人加快了迁移到美国的步伐,进一步拉升了美国黑人人口总量。黑人最终成为美国民权运动的中坚群体,而不论是黑人,还是其他族裔的少数民族群体,在二战中的为国尽忠等表现,令在经济和金融与政治领域占绝对主导地位的白人,重新开始未来国家构想的思考。在这大框架下,马丁·路德·金在“向华盛顿进军”运动中,才弹出了“我有一个梦想”的社会共鸣。

珍珠港事件、对日本鬼鬼祟祟的潜艇的厌恶,及对加利福尼亚被入侵的恐惧,共同促成了日裔美国人的遭遇,二战中日裔美国人被视为“敌国侨民”而投入集中营,但这个集中营,仅止于集中营的空间概念,并不是纳粹集中营的种族灭绝的概念,这也是对纳粹德国恶行的一种反思。同理,130年前华人的遭遇,虽恶却非黑奴制之恶,是对旧的恶的一种醒悟。

美国这种实用主义哲学之下的行事原则,注定了它在保留对旧的恶改正的不彻底性的情况下,会视外部情况做出超乎想象的努力。随着上世纪70年代日本经济崛起,日本人及日裔美国人的公共形象有了强烈的变化,在一些日裔民权运动领袖提出对那段不公正对待的历史给予道歉之时,美国国会通过数次行动,不仅通过了道歉法案,还落实了具体到个人的赔偿金额。与二战初期中美结成反法西斯同盟的背景一样,当时的美国废除了执行长达60年的《排华法案》。这种并非出于内部强烈的道德自省,而是基于对外部利益的权衡之下的国家利益行动,是一种现实主义的利益交换。毫无疑问,现实主义的利益交换,在国人圣人化与国家帝国化之间做出平衡,助推了国力的强盛。

美国的这次道歉,无论是否蒙受了实用主义的阴暗心理影响,都是基于一个前提:承认历史的错误,错了就是错了。《排华法案》道歉案,虽没有像之前曾有过的道歉案一样,提到对华人的赔偿,但一个历经130年之后,参众两院全票通过的国家道歉案,足可以看出道歉之真诚。

(作者系西南政法大学副教授
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