Understanding China-US Relations Is the Most Important Task for the Asia-Pacific

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 6 September 2012
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Stefanie Zhou. Edited by Heather Martin.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton concluded a trip to China; China and the U.S. had no unexpected “breakthroughs” for the world, but this time the visit created the opportunity for the Asia-Pacific region to think about Sino-U.S. relations. Understanding the two big countries can yield an overall grasp on seemingly elusive Sino-U.S. relations; this is the most important task for future Asia-Pacific international politics.

In the last two years, the “atmosphere” of Sino-U.S. relations undoubtedly fell to the bottom; the U.S.’ “return to Asia” and “smart power” diplomacy caused mutual strategic mistrust to peak. Many pessimistic predictions continue to appear, and the irreconcilable strategic game between China and the U.S. seems to be opening. Some diplomatic thought that tries to gain from exploiting contradictions between China and the U.S. also began to compete in the East Asian political arena.

However, a closer look at the Sino-U.S. relations shows that there has been no strategy for change in recent years. Although the ideology of guarding against the other is aggravated by both sides, the two countries are very cautious in action. Hillary whispered some “gossip” about China into Asian countries’ ears, but when she is facing China, she always incisively pinpoints the importance of the Sino-U.S. relationship.

Maintaining the momentum of the current relations between China and the U.S. has huge strategic benefits; these benefits are an invisible force that ensures neither China nor the U.S. can deviate arbitrarily. There have been numerous episodes in Sino-U.S. relations, but most of them are only talk. Public opinion or emotional catharsis by some people in both countries rarely has the opportunity to translate into open diplomatic actions by the two countries.

Sino-U.S. trade continues to expand in recent years with active mutual investment. The Obama administration did not yield to the domestic cry to require declaring China as a currency manipulator. The economic friction between the two countries is on the rise, but the overall situation of mutually beneficial cooperation still exists. Chinese and U.S. military deployment is trending in a new direction, but no matter what the outside world guesses, the officials of both countries insist that they are not against each other.

The main reason why Sino-U.S. relations have this surprising stability to interlopers is that it is consistent with the actual interests of the two countries. In addition, because the power of the U.S. is in decline, its ability to arbitrarily shift the space and resources for China-U.S. relations is also shrinking. The U.S.’ “return to Asia” seems to be its strategic offensive, but in view of the actual resources invested by the U.S. and the sharp decline in U.S. defense spending, everything done by the U.S. made it more like “using offense as a means of defense” as its strategy.

The U.S. is now devoted to pouring power into East Asia: To engage in a decisive strategy of containment against China is inconceivable. It takes a lot of money and cedes a big chunk of energy used by the U.S. to solve the many tough domestic problems while the benefits to the U.S. from doing all of this are purely imaginary. Therefore, this strategic choice is an unbearable weight for the U.S.

Understanding all of this is very important to the intellectual and strategic sectors of East Asia. Some individual countries consider the thought of using the U.S. to control China — this is the rehearsal to prepare for the role of a script that cannot be staged. Public opinion in the Philippines and Japan in the last two years is almost to the point of holding a magnifying glass to find support in the words of U.S. officials. Every move by U.S. warships has been endowed with special significance by these countries and the U.S.’ “return to Asia” has been made muddier by these countries.

It is time for these countries to restore calm. East Asian neighbors should earnestly resolve their problems among themselves. The Philippines, Vietnam and Japan will not help the interests of the U.S. at the loss of their lives. The U.S., in turn, will not be the one deceived on account of its generosity for their benefits. The sum of the volume of trade of these countries and the U.S. is still less in scale compared to China-U.S. trade. China remains the largest buyer of the national debt of the U.S. They, as well as the U.S., want to take advantage of the other to play ball with China, but no one is willing to “make sacrifices.”

The most important thing is that China is very steady. We did not think about “fighting to the death” with the U.S. or “dominating Asia.” China only wants the right to continue to develop and reasonably resolve territorial disputes with related countries. China's request is justified, not overbearing; the U.S. and others, in fact, also have a pretty good idea about it. The joint system to control China has no authentic strategic objectives, so it is impossible to make up.


美国国务卿希拉里结束了中国之行,中美双方没有令外界意外的“突破”,但这次访问创造了亚太地区思考中美关系的契机。读懂中美两个大国,并能对看上去难以琢磨的中美复杂关系有大体把握,这是未来亚太国际政治最重要的课题。

  最近两年中美关系“气氛”无疑降到了低谷,美国“重返亚洲”以及“巧实力”外交使两国战略互疑达到顶点。很多悲观的预言不断出现,中美不可调和的战略博弈似乎在拉开帷幕。一些试图利用中美矛盾渔利的外交思想也开始在东亚政治舞台上竞争。

  然而仔细看中美关系,近年能构成战略拐弯的事件一个也没有。两国的相互防范思想虽然在加重,但两国在行动上都表现得很谨慎。希拉里虽对着亚洲国家的耳朵说过一些有关中国的“闲话”,但她面对中国时,又总是把中美关系的重要性说得淋漓尽致。

  中美保持目前的关系态势对两国都有巨大的战略利益,这种利益已是确保中美两国谁都不能随便让车脱轨的无形制动力。中美关系近年插曲无数,但大多是嘴皮上的,舆论层面的,或者是两国各自一部分人的情绪宣泄,它们很少有机会转化为两国公开的外交行动。

  中美贸易最近几年继续扩大,相互投资活跃,奥巴马政府没有屈服国内要求宣布中国为汇率操纵国的呼声,两国的经济摩擦虽在增多,但互利合作大局犹在。中美军事部署都有新动向,但无论外界怎么猜,两国官方都一口咬定不针对对方。

  中美关系之所以有这些令好事者们吃惊的稳定,大原因是它符合两国的实际利益。此外还因为美国的力量在下降,它可以任意调动中美关系的空间和资源都在萎缩。美国“重返亚洲”似乎是它的战略攻势,但从美国投入的实际资源和美国国防开支大幅下降的实际情形来看,美国所做的这一切更像是它战略上的“以攻为守”。

  美国现在向东亚倾注国力,搞一场针对中国的决定性战略围堵是不可思议的。这要花大把的钱,把美国解决国内诸多难题的精力分出一大块,而做这一切对美国的好处虚无缥缈,因此这样的战略选择是美国的不可承受之重。

  看懂这一切对东亚思想界和战略界很重要。个别国家萌生借美制华的考虑,这是在为一个上演不了的剧本担任角色做热身准备。这两年菲律宾和日本舆论几乎是拿着放大镜在美国官员的话里寻找支持,美国军舰的每一次走动都被这些国家赋予特殊意义,美国“重返亚洲”被这些国家搅出越来越多的泡沫。

  该是这些国家恢复冷静的时候了。东亚的邻国们应认真解决彼此间的问题,菲越和日本不会为美国的利益两肋插刀,美国反过来也不会为它们的利益做冤大头,这些国家与美国的贸易额加在一起,都没有中美贸易规模大。中国还是美国国债的最大购买国。它们和美国都想利用对方同中国打牌,但谁都不肯为此“做牺牲”。

  最重要的是中国很稳健,我们没想同美国“你死我活”,也没想“主导亚洲”,中国要的只是继续发展的权利,以及与有关国家合理解决领土纠纷。中国的要求是正义的,并无霸道,美国等其实对此也心中有数。联合制华并无真实可信的战略目标,因此它不可能搞得起来。
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