Does the US Want Another Cold War?

Published in The People's Daily
(China) on 10 January 2013
by Ren Weidong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Lauren Gerken  .
The situation in Asia and the Pacific has been a point of interest for quite some time. Recently, the sensitivity and complexity of the relationships between China and Japan, the U.S. and China, the U.S. and Japan, trilateral relations between the three countries, and between North and South Korea have made the region one of nuance. How should we view the current state of affairs?

The Asia-Pacific region has already become the geopolitical center of the world.

In modern times, the geopolitical center of the world has always been in Europe, and later on, Europe and the U.S. The fundamental global structure that formed after the two world wars was chiefly determined by the strategic layout of the great powers in Europe. Through the Cold War, the U.S. not only caused the collapse of its only rival for global hegemony, the Soviet Union, but also landed a firm grasp on Europe. In the 1990s, the strategic crux of the U.S. remained in Europe. In the following decade, its strategic focus was on Central Asia, particularly the Middle East.

In the second decade of the 21st century, the focus of U.S. global strategy is turning towards Asia and the Pacific. The subtext is that the U.S. has clearly taken China as its primary rival for global hegemony, which is entirely consistent with hegemonic logic. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, China is the only country capable of constituting a challenge to the U.S. in every sphere.

Of course, gains and losses in Asia have a significant impact on not only China and the U.S., but on the developmental prospects and international standing of many countries. As the situation has gradually unfolded in Asia, the world's geopolitical nucleus has been moved even more decidedly from Europe to Asia and the Pacific.

This region is the primary geopolitical battlefield on which the U.S. will seek to contain China. The U.S. is sparing no effort to lay the groundwork for a new Cold War here. Apart from the bolstering of old military allies, U.S. actions have also shown several new characteristics. The first is linking together, to the greatest extent possible, a united front against China. It has comprehensively strengthened its economic, political, and most especially its military relationship with Vietnam, improved relations with Myanmar, and thawed its long-frozen relationship with Laos. Secondly, it has constructed a spider web-like strategic framework around itself. Thirdly, it has both strengthened its front-line deployments and expanded its strategic depth. Illustrations of this are its encouragement of the development of Japanese military strength, deployment of littoral combat ships to Singapore, and the return to its naval base at Subic Bay in the Philippines. Fourthly, it has begun to polarize the region economically. The U.S. has been a strong proponent of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, which excludes China.

As the U.S. builds a new Cold War state of affairs in Asia and the Pacific, Japan's attitude has been the most supportive. It willingly serves as the pawn and strategic front line of the U.S., and has also interfered in every corner of the region, forming a strategic network. Clearly, the strategic relationship between the U.S. and Japan is a highly unified one regarding the containment of China. However, this is being done at the cost of sacrificing what was gained in the war against fascism, overturning the post-war order in Asia, and destroying the region's peaceful political foundation. This will inevitably result in severe regional turmoil.

The truth is that the majority of Asian-Pacific countries are opposed to a new Cold War. Against the overall backdrop of the U.S. seeking to start a new Cold War, countries like Japan are the extreme minority. Most countries in the region are unwilling to overtly pick sides, but try to use what leverage they have to create a strategic equilibrium, ultimately hoping to use this to increase their own security and gain more room for profit.

Of course, the situation is extremely complex, with opportunity and challenge juxtaposed. Asia is by no means the only strategic focus of the U.S., nor one which the U.S. will necessarily place above all others. Currently, the U.S. is in a situation where it cannot neglect any area, whether it be Europe, the Middle East, or Asia.

The Asia-Pacific region is the center of global geopolitics, and is where China will be moving forward and becoming the main source of external threats. Asian geopolitics is undergoing the deepest and most complex changes since the end of World War II. The region should undoubtedly become the focus of China's global geopolitical strategy. The transitional period between the old order and the new will be uncertain and malleable.

The Asian landscape is undergoing a historical and extremely complex transformation, as a multitude of conflicts are interwoven. All manner of forces will reaffirm their standing in the new order and, after an extended period of intense struggle and acute upheaval, an entirely new state of affairs will come to be. China is well-qualified to play a proactive and positive role in moving this evolution in the right direction.

The author is a research associate at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations.


亚太局势长期是热点。近来,中日、中美、日美、中日美、朝韩等双边多边关系的敏感和复杂,让亚太局势更趋微妙。如何看待当下亚太局势?

亚太已成全球地缘政治重心。

近代以来,全球地缘政治重心一直在欧洲和后来的欧美。一战和二战后形成的基本世界格局都主要是由大国在欧洲形成的战略格局决定的。通过冷战,美国不仅搞垮了唯一的全球性争霸对手苏联,也牢固地控制了欧洲。冷战结束后的最初十年,20世纪90年代,美国的战略重点仍在欧洲。冷战结束后的第二个十年,21世纪头十年,美国的战略重点是中亚特别是中东。

从21世纪第二个十年开始,美国全球战略重点转向亚太。其背景是,美国已明确地将中国作为其全球霸权的主要对手。美国将中国作为主要对手是完全符合霸权逻辑的。中国是苏联解体之后唯一能在所有领域与美国构成竞争关系的国家。

当然,在亚太的得失不仅对中美两国,也对许多国家未来的发展前景和国际地位产生重要影响。随着亚太格局的逐渐全面展开,全球地缘政治重心将更加明确地从欧美转向亚太。

亚太是美国扼制中国的地缘政治主战场。美国正全力在亚太打造新冷战的地缘政治格局。除进一步强化旧军事同盟外,美国的这一努力还呈现新特点。一是最大限度地结成针对中国的统一战线。如全面加强与越南的经济、政治特别是军事关系,全面改善与缅甸的关系,打破与老挝关系长期冰冻的状态等。二是构筑以美国为中心的蛛网式战略结构。三是既强化前沿部署又扩大战略纵深。如推动日本发展军事力量,在新加坡部署濒海战斗舰,重返菲律宾苏比克海军基地等,加强在东亚的前沿部署。四是进行经济分化。美国大力推销跨太平洋战略夥伴关系协定(TPP),并将中国排除在外。

在美国构建亚太新冷战格局的过程中,日本的态度最为积极,一方面甘愿充当美国的马前卒和战略前沿,一方面四处插手,罗织战略网络。显然,日本和美国的战略关系在扼制中国这一点上高度统一,但这是以牺牲反法西斯战争的胜利成果、颠覆战后亚太秩序,破坏亚太和平的政治基础为代价的,必然带来亚太局势的剧烈动荡。

事实上,多数亚太国家反对新冷战。在美国意欲打造新冷战格局的大背景下,像日本这样的国家是极少数,多数亚太国家不愿明确选边站队,而是试图以小搏大,对大国搞均势政策,在亚太地区造成大国之间的战略平衡,希望以此增加自己的安全系数,扩大自己的谋利空间。

当然,局势异常复杂,机遇挑战并存。亚太并不是美国唯一的、在任何时候都排在第一位的战略重点。目前,美国面临着欧洲、中东、亚太一个都不能少的局面。

亚太是全球地缘政治重心,是中国开拓进取的主要方向,也是外部威胁的主要来源。亚太地缘政治格局正在发生二战以来最深刻复杂的变化。亚太无疑应该成为中国全球地缘政治战略的重点。在亚太新旧格局交替的过渡期,不确定性和可塑性同时存在。

亚太地缘政治格局正在发生历史性演变,积极与消极等正反两方面的斗争相互交织,尖锐复杂。各种力量都将重新确定自己的位置,一个崭新的格局将在经历较长时间的尖锐斗争和剧烈动荡后形成。中国完全应该也有条件在其中发挥主动的积极作用,以促使这种演变向正确的方向发展。

(作者为中国现代国际关系研究院研究员)
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