America’s Moral Breakdown and Domestic/International Restructuring

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 28 January 2014
by Wu Xinbo (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Mollie Gossage. Edited by Sean Feely.
When taking stock of America’s development in 2013, the two crucial phases to understand are “moral breakdown” and “restructuring.”

Democracy, Society and Virtue All Lose Value

As the United States finally appears to be experiencing some moderate growth, its internal political challenges have become more prominent. First, political polarization is persistent, with a fierce battle between the two parties. The Republicans quibbled over the federal budget issue to obstruct the implementation of Obama’s health care reform, thus forcing the federal government to shut down for half a month. Some believe that Washington’s political division is the most severe America has seen since the Civil War. Second, the political status of the Obama administration has long been vulnerable. Its mishandling of the healthcare reform, coupled with Republican interference, brought Obama’s public approval ratings to an all-time low since the beginning of his presidency. All this reflects the shortcomings of America’s veto system, and suggests that its problems will continue.

U.S. society’s moral breakdown also became prominent in 2013. In an end-of-year speech, Obama candidly cited growing inequality and declining social mobility in today’s America as “pos[ing] a fundamental threat to the American dream, our way of life and what we stand for around the globe.” In the context of an economic crisis as well as an increasingly unreasonable mechanism for wealth distribution, the actual income of the middle class has declined, the entire group is shrinking and America has the highest inequality of any country in the developed world. The shrinking of the middle class causes a loss of confidence in the future of America and the American system of values. Intensified inequality and poverty will further the U.S. economic crisis and cause harm to political and social stability.

At the international level, America’s moral breakdown was exposed in the Snowden incident. Just like the U.S. relies on its military superiority to repeatedly wage war against others, Washington also uses its technological superiority to monitor the entire world. This [incident] reflects that America’s abuse of surveillance power superiority has deep roots. Also propelling America’s international surveillance activity — including toward its allies — is undoubtedly Washington’s desire for psychological hegemony over the entire world. In recent years the U.S. has unceasingly portrayed itself as the victim of Chinese Internet hackers, but Snowden’s huge reveal made clear that the U.S. is the online world’s superhacker, fully demonstrating its hypocrisy.

Obama Doctrine

Considering lessons learned from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Obama pushed for a restructuring of U.S. strategy after taking office. In his first term, restructuring efforts primarily took the form of ending the two wars and the implementation of a “rebalance” in its Asia-Pacific strategy.

America’s response to the Syrian chemical weapons incident of 2013 as well as other initiatives, such as improvement of relations with Iran, sheds light on a few characteristics of “Obama doctrine” foreign policy. First is a reduction in overseas military intervention. Following that is full utilization of diplomacy to deal with international hotspots. Again, involvement is selective. From now on, substantial investments in U.S. military and diplomatic resources are restricted to limited areas. Finally, America will rely on drones and special forces to attack foreign terrorist organizations, avoiding large-scale deployment of ground forces.

According to the American public’s mood, as revealed in a Pew Center survey, for the first time since 1964 more than half of all respondents believe that “America should mind its own business internationally.” As the elite foreign policy [thinkers], represented by Richard Haass, hold, America is in a period of rest and reorganization; it needs to restrict foreign activity and regain its internal strength.

According to U.S. diplomatic cycle theory, America is currently entering the next stage of foreign affairs. The first half of this period consists of approximately 20 years of domestic oriented strategy; the domestic period’s defining trait is that policymakers and the public’s attention is more focused on internal affairs. U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014 is perhaps a landmark event, the beginning of an increasingly multipolar world power structure. America’s power sits relatively low in this new model of U.S. participation in world affairs.

China’s Diplomacy To Appease the United States

With the gradually narrowing gap between U.S. and Chinese strength, America will experience an intensifying strategic anxiety — a sense of unease from China’s overtaking America and the aftermath thereof. America will not only accelerate its response to the diplomatic, security and economic positioning of China’s rise, but at times may also react violently to some of China’s behavior. As far as China is concerned, the task of pacifying America is an important one. This includes [China] strengthening its communication to lessen America’s misgivings and jealous suspicions, while on international issues of great concern to the United States supplying appropriate cooperation according to the principles and interests of the Chinese. [These are] interests in expanding our perimeter, taking notice of opportunities while extending the feelers of strategy and focusing on operational “rationality and restraint.”

Against the backdrop of overwhelming hegemony, the United States needs more international support to achieve its foreign policy goals. In the Asia-Pacific region, the U.S. increasingly values weaving a network of “allied nations and partners,” maintaining its dominant position in the region to counterbalance China. At the global level, the U.S. will still rely on cooperation to deal with major power centers and hotspots as well as for the promotion of global government. Given China’s rising power and influence, the United States will increasingly rely upon it for global issues. As for China, it should vigorously promote an inclusive Asia-Pacific diplomacy, promote regional economy and security cooperation, and prevent the U.S. from isolating China or fragmenting the Asia-Pacific. At the global level, we should emphasize China’s status as a responsible world power and its desire to cooperate with international society, adopting a positive attitude and participating in the treatment of global issues.


吴心伯:美国的内外失范与战略转型


  盘点2013年美国的发展,失范与转型是两大关键词。

  民主、社会、道德全失范
  在美国经济终于呈现温和增长的背景下,美国国内政治挑战更加突出。一是政治极化依旧、两党斗争激烈。共和党为了阻挠奥巴马医改的实施,在联邦政府预算问题上较量,迫使联邦政府关门长达半月。有人认为,华府的政治分裂是美国内战以来最严重的。二是奥巴马政治地位过早陷入弱势。由于医改问题处理不当,加之共和党的牵制,公众对奥巴马的支持率创就任总统以来新低。这些都反映了美国否决政体的弊端,而这种弊端还会继续下去。

  美国社会的失范也在2013年变得突出。奥巴马在年底的演讲中,列举了今日美国日益加剧的不平等和不断下降的社会流动性,坦诚这种局面“给美国梦、我们的生活方式以及我们在世界各地所代表的东西造成了严重威胁”。在财富的分配机制越来越不合理以及经济危机的大背景下,美国中产阶级的实际收入在下降,整个群体不断萎缩,美国已成为发达世界中最不平等的国家。中产阶级的萎缩会使人们对美国的价值观和未来失去信心;不平等和贫困的加剧则会危及美国的经济增长,损害政治与社会稳定。

  在国际层面,斯诺登事件暴露了美国道德的失范。正如同美国依仗其军事优势频频对外发动战争一样,华盛顿也在利用其科技优势监视全世界,这反映了美国滥用其力量优势的毛病是根深蒂固的。而驱动美国对全世界包括盟国领导人的监视行为的,无疑是华盛顿要掌控全世界的霸权心理。近年来美国不断把自己描绘成中国网络黑客的受害者,而斯诺登大揭秘表明美国才是网络世界的超级黑客,充分显示其虚伪性。

  奥巴马主义
  奥巴马执政后,鉴于伊拉克和阿富汗两场战争的教训,即着手推动美国战略的转型。其第一任期内的转型努力主要体现在结束两场战争和实施“亚太再平衡”战略。

  2013年美国对叙利亚化武事件应对以及与伊朗关系改善等举措,凸显了外交政策上“奥巴马主义”的一些特点。首先是减少对外军事干预。其次是充分利用外交手段来处理国际热点问题。再次是有选择地介入。今后美国只会在有限地区实质性地投入军事和外交资源。最后,美国将主要依靠无人机和特种部队打击海外恐怖组织,避免派出大规模地面部队。

  从美国公众的情绪看,皮尤中心一项调查显示,自1964年以来,首次有超过一半应答者认为“美国在国际舞台应当少管闲事”。以理查德·哈斯为代表的外交政策精英认为,美国正处在一个外交政策休整期,它需要克制海外行动并恢复国内实力。

  按照美国外交周期理论,美国正在进入下一个外交周期,这个周期的前半段是大约20年左右的战略内向期,内向期的特点是决策者和公众的注意力更多转向国内事务。2014年美国从阿富汗撤军有可能成为一个标志性事件,开启一个世界权力结构越来越多极化、美国的实力相对下降背景下美国参与世界事务的新模式。

  中国对美安抚外交
  在中美力量差距逐步缩小的情况下,美国会产生一种越来越强烈的战略焦虑感,对中国赶超美国及其后果感到不安,不仅会加快应对中国崛起的外交、安全和经济布局,而且有时可能会对中方的某些行为做出激烈反应。对中国来说,重要的是做好对美国的安抚工作,包括加强与美国的对话、沟通以减少对方的疑虑和猜忌,在美国关切的国际问题上,基于中方的原则和利益提供适度合作,我在拓展周边利益、延伸战略触角时注意时机的把握,并在操作上注重“有理、有节”。

  在霸权力不从心的背景下,美国需要更多借助国际合作来达到其外交政策目标。在亚太地区,美国越来越重视编织“盟国加伙伴”网络,以制衡中国、保持美国在亚太的优势地位;在全球层面,美国会依赖主要力量中心的合作处理地区热点和推进全球治理,鉴于中国力量和影响力的上升,中国将是美国在全球问题上越来越借重的对象。对中国来说,在亚太地区,应积极推进包容性外交,提倡地区经济与安全合作,防止美国孤立中国,割裂亚太。在全球层面,我应强调中国作为负责任大国的意识和与国际社会合作的意愿,以积极的姿态参与全球问题的处理。▲(作者是复旦大学国际问题研究院常务副院长)
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