Taiwanese Media: Taiwan Is Similar to Ukraine, and US Will Not Declare War on Taiwan with China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 10 March 2014
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jingman Xiao. Edited by Eva Langman.
According to the critique published in Taiwan’s Wang Bao [journal] on March 10 titled "What Taiwan Can Learn From the Ukrainian Crisis," the problem in Ukraine has led to the most severe crisis between the United States and Russia since the Cold War. The pro-Russian Crimean parliament decided on a referendum to be held on March 16 to vote on whether to join Russia or not, which might trigger a domino effect in Ukraine and other areas. Russia’s targeted military drill and test of intercontinental missiles have a foreboding overtone. America’s sending of battleships to the Black Sea and the enhancement of military arrangements in Lithuania and Poland also show intentions to deter [Putin].

The U.S. and Europe firmly believe that Russia infringes upon Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The U.S. has claimed to have stopped trade negotiations and military exchanges with Russia, and it decided not to send a special team to attend the Olympic Games in Sochi. What’s more, Obama ordered a political command to freeze the assets of Russian officials in America, as well as other individuals and organizations, and to restrict their access to the American border. The European Union is relatively conservative on this matter, as Germany, France, and other major powers have no intention of confronting Russia directly and are opposed to the proposal of excluding Russia from the G-8 summit.

Riddled with financial problems, not only might America’s attempt at trade sanctions and military deterrence not work on Russia, it could also emphasize Obama’s diplomatic incapability. Chairman of the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs [Ed] Royce thinks that Putin has already sensed that Obama is not determined to impede Russia. Former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates seems doubtful of Obama’s ability to handle crises as well, saying that the U.S. has not learned the lesson from the military conflict between Russia and Georgia in 2008. In view of the U.S. needing to cooperate with Russia to deal with the situation in Afghanistan, Syria and Iran, the U.S. would be isolated if the Ukrainian crisis were improperly handled.

It is not likely that the U.S. and Russia will engage in military confrontation over Ukraine. As long as the hostility between these two [countries] remains, there will be no winner. As tensions in Ukraine are escalating, Putin has emailed Chinese leaders for support and finally received an official reply from Beijing’s highest decision makers. Chinese leaders firmly believe that Russia will coordinate with other parties and solve this problem politically. However, they also claim that the development of the Ukrainian crisis has its inevitability, even though it is quite accidental, which is an implication of America and Europe’s agitation of Ukrainian opposition forces to break off the previously reached agreement with President Yanukovych at the end of February and an indirect accusation of [their] treachery. The statement by Chinese leaders indicates that China wants to stay neutral: They do not want to offend Russia, nor the West. China and the U.S. are building a new superpower relationship, and China’s highest leaders will also visit Europe in April.

The Russian-U.S. confrontation is bound to affect America’s strategic arrangement in Asia-Pacific. The U.S. defense budget is already deficient, and further reinforcement of military arrangements in Eastern Europe will distract U.S. attention from its strategy of restabilizing in the Asia-Pacific region. After 9/11, the U.S. has been dedicated to countering terrorism internationally and has thus relaxed its strategic encirclement of China. If the situation in Ukraine is to steadily worsen, China will seize another strategic opportunity for development made possible by the new Cold War between Russia and America.

Taiwan and Ukraine are in the same position: [They are] victims of the struggles between big powers. It seems that the direct cause of the Ukrainian crisis lies in the Yanukovych administration’s termination of the Joint Activity Agreement last November. The real reason, however, is the conflict between the pro-Europe and the pro-Russian factions inside Ukraine. Ukraine is praised as the barn of Europe and is developed in terms of industry, technology, the social sciences and education. But from a geopolitical point of view, its future lies in Russia’s attitudes [toward it]. The current temporary government is faced with pressure from the Russian military forces. Even though [Ukraine] keeps expressing its determination to defend its sovereignty, it does not possess the capability, except to seek help from the U.S. and hope that Putin will not intervene militarily.

Taiwan’s territory is only 1/16th as large as Ukraine’s and is not as naturally endowed. What is worse, its internal situation is largely contained by the pro-U.S. and anti-China side. Closely resembling Ukraine, Taiwan is reliant on protection from big powers, which runs in the opposite direction of the general political trend in real life. Back in August 2008, when Russia and Georgia had military confrontations, the former President George W. Bush sent battleships to the Black Sea to deter the Russian army, but failed to do anything about it.

The famous American scholar John Mearsheimer points out in his recent essay, "Say Goodbye to Taiwan," that the rise of China will lead to its sharing America’s leadership in Asia-Pacific, and that time is not on Taiwan’s side. In other words, although the U.S. expects China and Taiwan to be able to maintain the status quo of "seeking peace instead of reunification, being separate but not separatist,"* it has no obligation to assist Taiwan, let alone declare war with China [on its behalf].

Russia is rising again, and its core interest is in maintaining peace in its neighboring strategic buffering zones. Naturally, it will prevent Ukraine from allying with the West at all costs. Similarly, since reunification has been seen as the core interest of China, Beijing will also prevent Taiwan from becoming an independent sovereign state at all costs. Professor Mearsheimer’s attitude reflects the current situation in Ukraine and Taiwan.

Because Crimea is geographically strategic and has been closely related to Russia historically, its joining the Russian Federation after the referendum seems inevitable. Following the logic of historical evolution and strategic interests, Russia will not sit with arms folded as Ukraine grows pro-West, and the U.S. will not start a war with Russia casually. Eventually, they will go back to the negotiating table to search for compromise.

*Editor’s note: The original quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


 台湾《旺报》10日社评,原题《乌克兰危机 台湾的启示》,全文摘编如下:

  乌克兰问题让美俄陷入冷战后最严重的危机。亲俄的克里米亚议会决定本月16日公投归并俄罗斯,此举或引发乌克兰其他地区的骨牌效应。俄罗斯针对性的军演与发射洲际导弹,示警意味浓。美国派遣战舰驶向黑海与加强立陶宛与波兰的军事部署,吓阻的意图亦明显。

  美欧认定俄罗斯侵犯了乌克兰主权与领土完整。美国宣称暂停与俄方的贸易谈判和军事交流,决定不派特使团参加近日索契举办的残奥会,奥巴马更用行政命令冻结俄官员、机构与个人在美资产,且限制其入境。欧盟态度相对保守,德法等大国普遍无意直接对抗俄罗斯,也反对将俄罗斯排除出G8峰会的倡议。

  受困经济风暴的美国,以贸易制裁和军事吓阻手段对付俄罗斯未必奏效,反而凸显了奥巴马不足的外交能力。美众院外交委员会主席罗斯就认为,普京早已看透奥巴马毫无拦阻俄罗斯的决心。前国防部部长盖茨也怀疑奥巴马的危机处理能力,认为美国未记取2008年俄与格鲁吉亚军事冲突的教训。鉴于美国需要俄罗斯配合解决阿富汗、叙利亚及伊朗问题,乌克兰危机若处理失当,最终被孤立的反会是美国。

  美俄为乌克兰爆发军事冲突的机率并不大,但只要双方敌对态势不变,结果必无赢家。乌克兰紧张情势升温之际,普京致电大陆领导人寻求支持,北京最高决策才算有了正式回应。大陆领导人确信俄方会与各方协调,以政治方式解决问题,却又称“乌克兰局势发展至今,偶然中有必然”,暗示美欧鼓动乌克兰反对派撕毁2月下旬亚努科维奇总统与反政府势力达成的协议,难脱背信弃义之嫌。大陆领导人的说法摆明中方想保持中立,既不愿得罪俄罗斯,也不想对抗西方。中美目前正在建构新型大国关系,大陆最高领导人4月间还将启程访欧。

  美俄在乌克兰的对峙,势必影响美国的亚太战略布局。美国防经费目前已捉襟见肘,若再强化东欧的军事布局,自然无法兼顾亚太再平衡战略。911事件后美国曾专注于全球反恐,放松了对中国的战略包围。乌克兰情势若持续恶化,中国将会因为美俄新冷战而获得另一次战略发展机遇。

  台湾与乌克兰的处境雷同,深陷强权角力上的俎肉。乌克兰危机的导火线表面上源于去年11月亚努科维奇政府终止与欧盟签署《联合协议》,关键还是内部亲欧派与亲俄派的拉扯。乌克兰素有“欧洲谷仓”之称,工业、科技、人文、教育发达,但从地缘战略的角度,其前景无论如何,俄罗斯态度皆居中关键。目前的临时政府面对俄军压力,虽不断声称决心捍卫国家主权,却无对抗的实力,除了寻求美国奥援,只能期望普京不会武力干预。

  台湾土地面积仅乌克兰的1/16,先天条件不比乌克兰,内部却亦受亲美与反中两派的相互牵制。与乌克兰一样,台湾朝野仰赖大国保护,与现实政治趋势背道而驰。2008年8月俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚爆发军事冲突,美前总统小布什曾派遣战舰驶往黑海吓阻俄军,最后还是束手无策。

  美国着名政治学者米尔斯海默最近在其发表的论文《对台湾说再见》中点出,中国持续崛起的结果是分享美国的亚太主导权,时间并不站在台湾这一边;换句话说,美国虽期望两岸维持“和而不统、分而不独”的现状,却无义务协防台湾,更不可能为台湾对中国宣战。

  俄罗斯强权再起,稳固周边的战略缓冲区已成为其核心利益,自然会不惜代价阻止乌克兰一面倒向西方。同样两岸统一既被界定为中国的核心利益,北京自然也会不惜代价阻止台湾独立。米尔斯海默教授的看法,反映了当前乌克兰与台海两岸现状。

  克里米亚的战略地位特殊,与俄罗斯历史又紧密相连,公投结果并入俄罗斯联邦,似乎已成定局。从历史演变与战略利益的逻辑推论,俄罗斯不会坐视乌克兰偏向西方,美国也不会对俄罗斯轻启战端,最终还是要回到谈判桌寻求妥协方案。

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