The Double Standard of the West toward Kosovo and Crimea

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 April 2014
by Wang Hongqi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Bora Mici.
While events in Kosovo and Crimea have essentially amounted to another two rounds in the game of great power politics, the parties involved have all attempted to present themselves as the ones donning the mantle of international law. But in truth, on these issues, the West has adopted a double standard that stems from the calculus for its own political ambitions and has taken to interpreting international law as it pleases.

With regard to Kosovo, the West has declared that human rights should take precedence over sovereignty, becoming a strong advocate for Kosovar independence. In Crimea, however, it has taken a line of maintaining the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of Ukraine. This sort of hypocrisy reveals that the standards of Western nations are not fixed, but rather more ad hoc.

In fact, whether it is the independence of Kosovo or Crimea — not to mention South Ossetia and Abkhazia — the West has evinced a lack of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of many states, as well as a similar irreverence for international law. The West was the first to open this Pandora's box with its armed intervention in Kosovo and subsequent recognition of the region's independence. Russia opposed the action, believing that it would set a dangerous precedent. Just as with Putin's positions regarding South Ossetia and Abkhazia in 2008, his stance on Crimea, citing Kosovar independence as a precedent, is an obvious counter jab at the West.

And concerning the issue of Crimea, China should respond dispassionately and prudently, and can refer back to its policy on Kosovo. When the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1244 on Kosovo in 1998, China abstained from voting, being of the opinion that the situation was an internal affair of Yugoslavia's and should therefore be resolved in a manner chosen by its people. On Feb. 17, 1998, Kosovo — with the unspoken blessings of the U.S. and Europe — unilaterally declared independence in a move that China has neither acknowledged nor repudiated to this day.

In August of the same year, China voted in favor of the U.N. General Assembly acting on behalf of Serbia to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence. In July 2010, China voted against the ultimate ICJ ruling that Kosovo's declaration of independence was in accordance with international law. China's consistent position has been to respect Serbia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and be understanding of Serbia's reasonable concerns on the issue.

UNSCR 1244 provides a significant legal foundation, upon which the fate of Kosovo may be decided, and a plan for resolving the dispute that all parties involved can accept should be formed through dialogue and negotiation under the framework of such Security Council resolutions.

Naturally, Serbia has been appreciative of China's position and perspective. And while Kosovo has rejected Taiwan's gestures of acknowledgment, it has made significant efforts to gain similar support from China, paying close heed to China's reiterated statements to consistently work toward seeking a political solution to the Balkan standoff that both sides can accept. Kosovo believes that one of the reasons why China favors Serbia is the presence of independence-seeking movements within China, most notably in Taiwan, Xinjiang and Tibet, and that this in turn creates concerns that Kosovo's unilateral bid for independence may set a precedent that will lead to a series of undesirable consequences.

The policy on independence and autonomy that China ultimately elected to adopt with respect to the issue of Kosovo was subdued, cautious, and relatively gray. And in Crimea, China should be able to fall back on that same policy. In the United Nations, as a responsible permanent member state of the Security Council, China has insisted on upholding international law and the spirit of the U.N. Charter in maintaining every country's sovereignty and territorial integrity. In light of China's core interests and the existence of independence movements within Taiwan, Xinjiang and Tibet, China cannot openly approve changes in sovereignty over Crimea.

At the same time, in view of the strategic and cooperative partnership it has with Russia, China should not openly oppose or criticize Russia's actions. Finally, considering the geopolitical significance of Ukraine, as well as its strategic partnership and shared economic interests with China, China should encourage Ukraine to resolve the question of Crimea and other disputes through dialogue and negotiation.

The author is a research fellow at the Xinhua Center for World Affairs Studies.


  科索沃问题和克里米亚问题虽然本质上都是大国政治的游戏,但相关方面都努力为自己披上国际法的外衣。实际上,西方出于自身政治目的考量,在这两个问题上推行双重标准,并按照自己的意愿解读国际法。在科索沃问题上,西方强调“人权高于主权”,强力推动科索沃独立;在克里米亚问题上,它们则强调维护乌克兰的领土完整和国家主权。这样的自相矛盾表明,西方国家没有固定标准,而是为已所用。

  事实上,无论是科索沃独立,还是克里米亚(以及南奥塞梯与阿布哈兹)的独立,都没有尊重相关国家的主权和领土完整,同样都侵犯了国际法。西方武力干涉科索沃、承认科索沃独立,开启了“潘多拉盒子”,是始作俑者。俄罗斯反对科索沃独立,认为此举将开启危险的先例。而普京此次在克里米亚问题上所采取的立场,犹如对待2008年南奥塞梯与阿布哈兹独立事件一样,均是以科索沃独立为“先例”,显然也是对西方的回应。

  对于克里米亚问题,中方宜沉着谨慎应对,并似可参照对科索沃问题的策略。1998年,联合国安理会就科索沃问题通过1244号决议,中国在表决中投了弃权票,认为科索沃问题是南联盟内政,应该也只能由南人民通过自己的方式去解决。2008年2月17日,科索沃在美欧默许纵容下单方面宣布独立,中方迄今未予承认,但也没有公开反对。2008年8月,联大通过塞尔维亚提出的请求国际法院就科索沃单方面宣布独立提供咨询意见的决议,中国投赞成票。2010年7月,国际法院做出科索沃独立符合国际法的裁决,中国投反对票。中方一贯表态是,尊重塞尔维亚的主权和领土完整,理解塞方在科索沃问题上的合理关切;安理会第1244号决议是解决科索沃问题的重要法律基础,科索沃问题应在安理会相关决议框架内,通过对话和谈判达成当事方均可接受的解决方案。

  对于中方表态和立场,塞方自然持赞赏态度。科方在拒绝了台湾承认其独立表态的同时力促中方承认科索沃,并关注中国重申的“一贯致力于寻求巴尔干对立双方均可接受的政治解决”。科方认为,中国是反科支塞的最主要国家之一,原因之一是中国存在着要求独立的势力,特别是“台独”、“疆独”和“藏独”,中方担心科方采取单方面独立的做法,可能会造成先例,导致一系列后果,因此深感担忧。

  中方在科索沃问题上采取的是低调、谨慎、淡化和模糊的独立自主策略。而在克里米亚问题上,中方似可参照该策略应对。在联合国,中国作为负责任的安理会常任理事国,坚持高举国际法、联合国宪章的旗帜,维护各个国家的主权和领土完整;考虑到中国的核心利益及“台独”、“疆独”、“藏独”等势力的客观存在,中方不能公开认可克里米亚主权变更;鉴于中俄的全面战略协作伙伴关系,也不宜公开反对和谴责;考虑到乌克兰的地缘政治重要性,以及与中国的战略伙伴关系和经济利益,中方宜鼓励其通过对话和谈判解决克里米亚等问题。▲(作者是新华社世界问题研究中心研究员)
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