Self-Contradiction Makes Obama Hard To Read

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 5 August 2014
by Jingtao Wang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Anthony Chantavy. Edited by Emily France.
When President Barack Obama was interviewed by The Economist on Aug. 3, he dismissed Russia as a country that “doesn't make anything.” As for China, he declared that every Western country must remain “pretty firm” toward China or else it will continue to further its demands.

Obama stated that Russia fails to attract immigrants and, on top of that, its population continues to shrink, so it will be difficult for it to take a leading role in the international arena. He believes that the conflict between China and the U.S. is manageable and that the West should inform China of international norms while leading them to a better future.

The way Obama looks down on China and Russia encourages U.S. and Western societies to keep a closer watch on China.

It should be said that Obama himself has attached great importance to China, which to a great extent led him to implement his Asia-Pacific re-balancing strategy. He is not necessarily an aggressive president toward China or Russia, but no matter how much strategic insight he has, it is clearly not in his power to make decisions. He has introduced some ambiguous policies, but he is always unable to implement them consistently, instead causing numerous domestic and international crises. When he leaves office and collects his presidential inheritance, the achievements he can take pride in will not excuse him from the damage he has done.

There is not much to elaborate on concerning the Middle East; he may have withdrawn American troops from Iraq, but the situation in the greater region is a mess. American strategists could not possibly build him a monument for that.

In its relations with other major powers, the United States has done everything to strengthen Western support for a revolution against Ukraine, largely by maintaining sanctions on Russia's strategic space, resulting in Putin’s fierce retaliation. U.S.-Russian relations are reminiscent of the Cold War. Whether Obama wants to confront Russia or not, he is already doing so. His “major contribution” to American diplomacy is exhausting a lot of his country’s resources and attention span.

In U.S. relations with China, Obama's Asia-Pacific strategy, intended to create a balance between both countries’ allies, has become a tug-of-war. Chinese leaders have proposed new relations with the U.S., and the Obama administration basically accepts this proposal but hesitates due to its connotations, which has sent China-U.S. relations into a limbo state.

Obama realizes the unusual importance of China-U.S. relations in the 21st century, but his contributions to this ideology are few; he has not done anything to catch people’s attention. "Balancing" China, being “firm” with China — this way of thinking in the West is typical of a Cold War mentality. If Obama cannot only use these strategies to find his place in history; he needs to do more.

Obama needs to see that, although he has been in office for five and a half years, the world grows tense under his leadership. Just like the “cold snap” period after the Cold War under the Great Moderation, globalization has also become a bit shaky. The U.S. has not benefitted from this change; instead, its economic recovery appears to struggle.

The new China-U.S. major-power relationship is probably the Obama administration’s most valuable accomplishment in the last two years. When he leaves office, Obama will leave China-U.S. relations full of uncertainty, just as they were when he was elected, and his eight years will be merely a brief transitional period in 21st-century China-U.S relations. He can also work with Chinese leaders to develop a clear direction for China-U.S. relations and make a mark in this century’s international relations.

When Obama first took office, he frequently acted in moderation. Because of this [moderation], he also won a Nobel Peace Prize early on. However, the consequences of his policies have always contradicted his statements, which are full of loopholes, making people unable to see through him.

Presidents are bound to face all kinds of obstacles. Stand tall and see far as he may, those obstacles will force him to make important decisions. Will all future American presidents be like Bush, using mere firmness and hot-headedness to earn support?


奥巴马总统3日接受英国《经济学家》杂志采访时,奚落俄罗斯是“什么也不能制造的国家”。谈到中国,他宣称西方各国必须对中国保持“强硬态势”,否则后者可能“得寸进尺”。

  奥巴马说,俄罗斯吸引不到各国优秀移民,加之其总人口数量不断萎缩,很难成为国际舞台上的主角。他认为美中之间矛盾是可管控的,西方既要让中国知道“什么是犯规”,又要让它感到“美好的未来”。

  奥巴马一副俯视中俄两大国的样子,他把中俄做了区别,想吸引美国和西方社会“更重视”中国,当然也包括投入更多力量“防范”中国。

  应当说奥巴马本人已经非常重视中国了,这很大程度上导致他在任内实施了“亚太再平衡”战略。无论对华对俄,他都算不上是多么“好斗”的总统,但他无论有没有战略洞察力,后者都显然没转化成他执政的把控和决策力。他推出了一些模棱两可的政策,但他总是无力将其予以前后一致地贯彻,而是始终被众多国内外危机牵着鼻子走。当他快要清点自己执政遗产的时候,他可以夸耀的外交成就实在惨不忍睹。

  中东的情况用不着细说,他虽然从伊拉克撤出了美军,但大中东地区的局势一团糟,美国的战略家们肯定不会在中东给他立一块执政的丰碑。

  大国关系中,美国放纵了西方各种力量对乌克兰“革命”的支持,保持了继续挤压俄罗斯战略空间的惯性,从而导致了普京的激烈反弹,美俄关系几乎坠回到冷战状态。奥巴马想不想同俄罗斯对抗,这种对抗都已成为现实。它将耗掉美国的大量资源和注意力,这是奥巴马对美国外交的“一大贡献”。

  在对华关系中,奥巴马的“亚太再平衡”原意是在中国和美国的盟国之间进行平衡,现在完全走了样,成为简单对中国崛起的“平衡”。中国领导人提出中美之间的“新型大国关系”,奥巴马的班底大体接受了这个提法,但对它的内涵一再犹豫,这让中美关系进入一种朦胧状态。

  奥巴马意识到了中美关系对整个21世纪不同寻常的重要性,但他对中美新型大国关系的思想贡献和现实政策贡献都太少,他没做什么让世人眼前一亮的事情。“平衡”中国,要对中国“强硬”,这种思维在西方属于从冷战思维遗传过来的大路货,奥巴马如果就用这些给自己做“历史定位”,那么他实在是不够深刻。

  奥巴马需要看到,无论与他的执政有多少关系,这5年半世界的紧张增加了,就像冷战后国际局势大缓和之下的“倒春寒”,全球化也出现一些踉跄。美国没有从这种变化中得到什么好处,美国的经济复苏显得很勉强。

  中美新型大国关系或许是奥巴马最后两年多执政最有价值的一块阵地。奥巴马可以让中美关系在他离任时就像他刚入主白宫那样充满不确定性,将他这8年当作是中美21世纪关系的短暂过渡期。他也可以与中国领导人一道,为中美新型大国关系制定出清晰的方向,影响整个世纪的国际关系面貌。

  奥巴马在上任之初经常表现出温和的姿态,他也因此提前获得诺贝尔和平奖。但他实施的政策后果总是与他的声明前后矛盾,漏洞百出,他逐渐成了一位让人“看不透”的总统。

  也许美国总统只能像奥巴马这样当,这个位置必然被各种力量裹挟,即使有什么高瞻远瞩也要被撕成拆东墙补西墙的碎片。只有搞浅薄的强硬和鲁莽才能获得一时大范围的支持,就像小布什那样。真的是这样吗?
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Germany: It’s Not Europe’s Fault

Germany: When Push Comes to Shove, Europe Stands Alone*

Guatemala: Fanaticism and Intolerance

Israel: Antisemitism and Anti-Israel Bias: Congress Opens Investigation into Wikipedia

Austria: The US Courts Are the Last Bastion of Resistance

       

Topics

Turkey: Blood and Fury: Killing of Charlie Kirk, Escalating US Political Violence

Thailand: Brazil and the US: Same Crime, Different Fate

Singapore: The Assassination of Charlie Kirk Leaves America at a Turning Point

Germany: When Push Comes to Shove, Europe Stands Alone*

Guatemala: Fanaticism and Intolerance

Venezuela: China: Authoritarianism Unites, Democracy Divides

Israel: Antisemitism and Anti-Israel Bias: Congress Opens Investigation into Wikipedia

Spain: Trump, Xi and the Art of Immortality

Related Articles

Germany: It’s Not Europe’s Fault

Spain: State Capitalism in the US

Thailand: Appeasing China Won’t Help Counter Trump

India: Will New US Envoy Help to Repair Ties under Threat?

France: Global South: Trump Is Playing into China’s Hands