The Unstoppable US Versus the Immovable China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 29 August 2014
by Gao Feng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
On Aug. 25, U.S. State Department Spokesperson Jen Psaki stated at a daily press briefing that "[the recent intercept of a U.S. Navy plane by a Chinese fighter jet in the airspace near Hainan Island] was a specific case where we had concerns about a step that was taken by China. We expressed them. It doesn’t mean we can’t move on with our relationship. We will, we do, and we have a range of issues we’ll continue to work on together on."

A senior analyst of U.S. international policy, Andrew Scobell, commented that "what concerns me and many others is that this sends a signal that Beijing will more actively attempt to weaken ties between the U.S. and its allies. Beijing will likely adopt a more hard-line approach toward the assertion of its sovereignty and other regional issues, within which certain elements will likely be directed toward marginalizing or weakening a security framework that has been in place there for quite some time."*

According to both U.S. government and think tank analysts, China should remain as it was in the past and maintain a "grin and bear it" attitude in the face of strong U.S. military pressure on China's doorstep and throughout the Asia-Pacific region. Only by doing so, supposedly, can conflict between the U.S. and China be avoided, while the U.S. will then be free to continue manipulating the political and security apparatus of the region as it pleases. This evinces the undiminished ambition for military hegemony in Asia and the Pacific that is pervasive at multiple levels within the U.S.

However, the U.S. also recognizes that the rise of China will be difficult to stave off for long. Support and development of its economy has enabled China to augment its military strength and remain uncompromising on matters relating to its core interests, and it will not bow easily to U.S. military pressure. Of course, in the view of the U.S., this will shake its Asian allies' confidence in American leadership and may lead them to place greater importance upon their diplomatic and security relationships with China.

Open source reports show that the U.S. has stepped up monitoring of Chinese coastal deployments near the East and South China Seas in an effort to check a purported Chinese military expansion, as signified by the close encounters with the P-8A Poseidon and P-3 Orion aircraft. The U.S. has also increased its conventional and strategic forces in the South China Sea. It recently obliquely revealed a heightened density of patrols in that region for its navy's strategic nuclear submarines.

However, a tight military budget has led to concerns within the U.S. that even as its power in the Pacific wanes, China's will continue to grow at an accelerated pace. Consequently, it has turned to encouraging regional allies to maintain an absolute advantage over China through aggregating their strength. And the forward posture of the U.S. military in the South China Sea of late has been taken precisely to bolster the confidence of these regional allies, as well as ensure that they stay in line with U.S. strategy.

However, when it comes to the development of U.S.-China relations, the U.S. has no magic bullet to fall back on. This is because whether it is the Diaoyu standoff in the East China Sea or disputed sovereignty over islands in the South China Sea, China has no intentions of giving ground voluntarily. U.S. hopes to take the lead in maneuvering its eastern alliance to meddle in China's affairs have been thoroughly dashed. The interception of a U.S. Navy plane is simply added evidence of the tough stance that China has adopted in areas it considers a core interest.

So far, U.S. chastisements have not won it any concessions. If it continues to lock horns with China, it will only further harm its own reputation in Asia and the Pacific. Conversely, downplaying differences of opinion while emphasizing cooperation and reminding China of the impact that the U.S.-China relationship has upon regional security will help the U.S. save some face. But regardless of all else, the stated U.S. desire to downplay disagreements and focus on common interests with China essentially strikes a note of returning to the establishment of a new model of great power relations, meaning that China has not only succeeded in staring down the U.S. this round, but has come away looking all the better for it.

The author is a freelance writer and commentator on military affairs.

*Editor’s Note: This quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


美国国务院发言人在25日的例行记者会上表示:“中国战斗机近日在海南岛附近空域拦截美国军机是一个特定的案子,我们对中国此一动作担忧,所以我们就表达了这个担忧。这并不表示我们无法让彼此的关系继续向前迈进,我们会持续合作,也正在这么做,我们还有许多议题需要共同合作。”

  美国国际政策资深分析师库珀说:“我和其他许多人担忧的是,这可能发出一个信号,就是北京以更活跃的手法来试图削弱美国及其盟友之间的结构。北京可能在主权宣示和区域议题方面采取较强硬的作为,其中可能就有一种成分是为了要边缘化或削弱一个已经在那里存在很久的安全结构。”

  按照美国官方和智库的分析,中国现在还应该与过去一样,继续对美国在亚太地区和中国家门口的强势军事压力保持冷静和忍耐。这样的话中美之间才没有冲突,而美国则可以继续为所欲为的操纵地区政治和安全格局。这说明美国上下还在对其亚太军事霸权不死心。

  不过中国的崛起在美国看来也是难以抵挡。经济的发展和支撑让中国有能力发展壮大其军事实力,并在周边的核心利益问题上不妥协,对美国的军事压迫也不会逆来顺受。当然这一切在美国看来会动摇其亚太盟友们对美国主导地位的信心,并重视与中国之间的外交和安全关系。

  从公开的报道来看,美国为了遏制所谓的中国军事扩张战略,一方面在加强对中国东南沿海军事部署的监视监控力度,这次P8A和P3的联合抵近侦察就是明确象征。另一方面加强其海军常规和战略力量在南海的存在。美国近日侧面透露出其海军战略核潜艇增加了在南海的巡逻密度。

  不过由于军费预算紧张,美国担忧中美在亚太军事实力的此消彼长态势进一步扩大。所以采取了鼓动本地区盟友扩军的战略,意图从总量上继续对中国保持绝对优势。而美军近期在南海展示强势的所作所为就是要为这些地区盟友提振信心,并让他们按照美国的战略指针办事。

  但对于中美关系的发展,美国并没有什么必胜的规划。因为无论从东海钓鱼岛纠纷到南海岛礁海权争端,中国都没有主动妥协的意思。美国想实施操纵东盟并获得涉及中国事务的主导权的幻想基本破灭。尤其是此次海航战机拦截事件更加显示了中国在核心利益区的强硬态度。

  目前为止美国的指责并没有换来中国的外交让步,如果继续与中国顶牛只会让美国在亚太的信誉伤害加深。而淡化矛盾强调中美合作,同时提醒中国要正视中美关系对本地区安全态势的影响,则有利于美国挽回部分面子。但不管怎样,美国淡化矛盾强调中美合作的表态,基本是在向构建中美新型大国关系的基调回归,所以说中国不但在这一轮中美军事软对抗中胜出,而且面子十足。(作者是军事评论员、自由撰稿人)
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