US Offensive on IS Is Legitimate, but Must Respect Norms

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 24 September 2014
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Joe Matthews. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
On Monday night, the U.S. Department of Defense announced it had already united several of its Middle Eastern allies in an attack on the Islamic State, and that strikes had already been carried out within Syria. The attacks included Tomahawk missiles as well as F-22s. Obama has already clarified that these attacks on the Islamic State group will continue until at least the end of his presidency.

The Obama administration hasn’t formally asked for the United Nations Security Council’s consent for this offensive. Syria has said that the day before the offensive, the U.S. reached out to Syria’s U.N. representative about the decision to carry out attacks, but Syria did not grant the U.S. the right to carry out attacks within Syrian territory.

The player with the most influence in Syria right now is the Syrian government’s army. Mutual differences and hatred abound among the army, Western-supported opposition parties, and the Islamic State group. The strongest among the three is the Syrian government’s army. America’s strategic goals are to destroy the Islamic State group, unite the opposition forces, and continue to apply pressure to Bashar al-Assad’s dictatorship.

These factors ensure that this action will be difficult. No matter how much outside support the U.S. can get, it will be giving up its chance to unite more groups within Syria. Obama is afraid he has no other options to pursue, and that America's original Middle East policy is already in serious trouble. America’s hostile posture toward the al-Assad regime has been one of the reasons that the Islamic State group has grown, but there is not enough power or courage on the part of the United States to change it.

If the U.S. can work with the Syrian armed forces, then removing the Islamic State group will be much easier. Currently, the problem is that in the Middle East, the U.S. has too many enemies; when a new conflict erupts, it's necessary to ask "just who is the main enemy?"

In the end, it is still clear that the Islamic State group is an enemy of the civilized world. The positive intentions of the United States are evident despite being affected by other factors. What isn’t evident right now is if the primary U.S. strikes on the Islamic State group will affect the hostility it has with Bashar al-Assad, and whether or not these actions will further complicate the "war on terror."

Obama has already warned Syria not to interfere with American war planes. The strong posture of his latest speech has focused again on the legitimacy of the al-Assad government, but has also opened the door to some cooperation. Without some areas for cooperation, it will be difficult to rule out future friction between the U.S. and Syria.

The Obama administration has already guaranteed that no U.S. land forces will be deployed; only air strikes will be used. The threat to the U.S. is small, but the probability of the Islamic State group continuing to exist is large. If the U.S. has to “make war on two fronts,” with both the Islamic State group and Syria, then its strategic objectives will become muddled.

With regards to U.S. airstrikes on the Islamic State group, China should adopt a “not-opposed” position, but at the same time remind the U.S. to respect Syrian national sovereignty and the U.N. Charter’s protocol on carrying out operations. If the U.S. expands it attacks to also target the Syrian government’s forces, then, the nature of the war will have changed and China’s attitude should be adjusted accordingly.

Obama still has a little more than two years left in his term. Previously, he displayed a cautious inclination toward starting conflicts. If the campaign against the Islamic State group continues to develop into a larger war, then, it will be a critical factor when people consider Obama’s attitude toward war from a historical perspective. If Obama can withstand the pressure from hawkish Americans, he will leave his own personal brand on the United States, rather than face being remembered by the world as one who was influenced by those around him.

The call to join in the Islamic State group's savage and cruel campaign is said to be much more attractive to extremists than al-Qaida’s is. The U.S. must make sure that in its effort to exterminate the Islamic State group, it does not create conditions that could give rise to more “cutting- edge” terrorist organizations. Many people have this hope, and it lies within the realm of possibility.


美国国防部星期一晚间宣布,美国已经联合几个中东盟国针对“伊斯兰国”(IslamicState)在叙利亚境内的目标实施了空中打击。美方使用了战斧式导弹,并出动包括F-22在内的先进战机。奥巴马此前曾表示,对IS的打击将持续到他的任期结束。

奥巴马政府没有为这一行动征求联合国安理会的同意。叙利亚说,美在行动的前一天向其驻联合国代表通报了将发动空袭的决定,叙表示美方行动没有得到叙方的授权。

叙利亚现在有影响力的主要是政府军、西方支持的反对派和IS三方力量,它们彼此之间相互敌对,其中最强的是叙政府军。美国现在的战略姿态是打IS,但只联手反对派,继续把巴沙尔政府当极端独裁政权打压。

这决定了这次行动将是困难的。无论美国在外部获得了多少支持,它在叙内部却放弃了联合更多力量的机会,选择做了“少数派”。奥巴马恐怕当下也没别的办法,美国原有的中东政策已成死棋,其对巴沙尔一贯的敌视态度是IS坐大的原因之一,现在也没有力量和勇气改变它。

如果美国能联合叙利亚政府军,铲除IS会容易许多。现在的问题是,美国在中东的敌人太多,它即使在发动新战争的关键时刻,似乎也无法确定究竟谁是它的“主要敌人”.

然而不管怎么说,IS已是文明世界的公敌,美国打击它的正面意义虽有其他因素干扰,但仍是明显的。现在不太确定的是,华盛顿是否能专注于打击IS,至少不升级与巴沙尔政权的敌对,从而避免这场“反恐战争”进一步复杂化。

奥巴马已经警告叙利亚不要“骚扰”美国的战机,他最新讲话的强硬态度再次关上与巴沙尔政权开展某种合作的大门。在没有合作的交叉地带,美叙摩擦的可能性往往很难消除。

只空袭不进行地面作战,不把美国部队重新带回中东战场,这差不多已是奥巴马的公开誓言。美国的危险小了,但IS生存下去的几率大了,如果发生美同IS和叙政府军“两面作战”,那将更是一场战略目的混乱的战争。

对美国空袭IS,中国应采取“不反对”的基本态度,同时提醒、鼓励美国以尊重叙利亚主权和联合国宪章的方式开展行动。如果美国把军事行动扩大到打击叙政府军,战争的性质就变了,中国的态度应随之调整。

奥巴马任期只剩两年多,此前他对选择战争显示了谨慎倾向,打击IS如何开展,它是否会成为一场更大战争的开端,将是历史评价奥巴马对战争态度的决定性因素。如果奥巴马能顶住美国鹰派的压力和撺掇,他留给美国的个人烙印,而不是美国各派对他的影响和左右将被世人记住。

IS血腥残暴,据称它对极端分子的吸引力超过了“基地”组织。剿灭IS切莫搞成实际为中东出现“更新锐”恐怖组织创造条件的过程。很多人都有这个愿望,它一点也不过分.


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