Details Essential for Reforms to Japan-America Defense Guidelines

Published in Nikkei
(Japan) on 9 October 2014
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Stephanie Chiu. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.

 

 

It’s clear we need to reform the alliance between Japan and America to combat new threats. However, because the fundamental details of these reforms have mostly been undefined, it’s unclear exactly what needs to change and how it should be done.

This is the gist of the impression I’m getting from the interim report the two governments published. The report contains guidelines for the reformation of their defense cooperation agreement, with a deadline set for the end of the year, which is just a little less than three months away. As such, I’d like for the Japanese to hasten their talks with the Americans and work out the details as quickly as possible.

A big feature of the report was its goal of creating a structure where the two governments could cooperate without restraint.

The current guidelines split Japan’s circumstances into three classifications: peacetime, emergency, and a middle ground called “situations in areas surrounding Japan”; and established various levels of cooperation for each one. According to the interim report, the two governments want to remove these classifications and create a new plan where cooperation between them cannot be interrupted no matter how the situation may change.

This is a logical route. Japan is not in a state of emergency, but it’s not in peacetime either. Rather, it’s in a “gray zone,” where it’s in increasing danger of undergoing a crisis. The mounting tension in the Senkaku Islands is one such example. Like cyberterrorism and large-scale terrorism, the situation there could lead to trouble in an instant.

It was decided that new guidelines for cooperation should be specified in the likely event Japan has to exercise its right to collective self-defense. One could say the decision was a natural one. The main point of Japan reviewing its constitutional interpretation and working to exercise its rights was, in the first place, to strengthen the cooperation between Japan and America.

However, there are many causes of concern. If Japan exercises its right to collective self-defense, exactly what and how much will it bear? The interim report has not mentioned any concrete plans.

There’s also talk that Japan cannot enter any talks with America because of certain regulatory trouble within the administration and governing party. If this is the case, then we have our priorities mixed up. So long as we don’t know what America considers important, everything will be no more than just an armchair theory no matter how much discussion advances within our own country.

For the sake of global peace and security, Japan and America must set down a new pillar of cooperation. However, if in times of war, in which mines are blockaded in high oil importation locations such as the Strait of Hormuz, will Japan forego this cooperation? It’s necessary that we address these situations with America.

With threats to Japanese-American cooperation increasing globally and online, the time is now or never. There are already serious threats to businesses online. I would like, without a doubt, for Japan and America to form an effective plan of cooperation.


日米防衛指針の改定は細部こそ肝心だ

 新たな脅威に対応できるよう、日米同盟の姿を描き直そうという狙いは分かる。ただ、肝心の細部がほとんど示されていないため、何を、どう変えるつもりなのか、具体像がほとんど見えない。

 日米両政府が発表した防衛協力のための指針(ガイドライン)改定の中間報告は、ひと言でいえばこんな印象だ。目標とする年内の改定まで、あと3カ月たらずしかない。米側との協議を急ぎ、早急に細部を詰めてほしい。

 中間報告の大きな特徴は、日米が切れ目なく協力できる体制をめざしていることだ。

 現行の指針は日本の状態を、平時、有事、その中間にあたる「周辺事態」の3つに分け、それぞれの協力を定めている。中間報告ではこの分類の垣根を取りはらい、事態がどのように変化しても、日米の協力が途切れないような仕組みをつくることにした。

 この路線は理にかなっている。日本は有事ではないが、平時ともいえない、「グレーゾーン」の危機に見舞われる危険が高まっているからだ。緊張が続く尖閣諸島の情勢もその一例だ。サイバー攻撃や大規模テロのように、瞬時にやってくる脅威もある。

 日本が集団的自衛権を行使することもあり得るとして、その場合の協力策を新指針に明記することも決めた。当然といえよう。日本が憲法解釈を見直し、集団的自衛権を行使できるようにしたのは、そもそも日米協力を強めることに主眼があった。

 だが、気がかりな点も少なくない。日本は集団的自衛権を使い、何を、どこまで担うのか。中間報告では具体策が記されていない。

 政府や与党内の調整が難航しているため、米国と踏み込んだ協議ができないという声も聞かれる。だとすれば、本末転倒だ。米側が何を必要としているのかを把握しないまま、国内の議論を進めても机上の空論になりかねない。

 グローバルな平和と安全のための日米協力も新たな柱にすえた。輸入原油の多くが通るホルムズ海峡などが戦争中に機雷で封鎖された場合、日本は除去するのか。こんな事例も、米側と擦り合わせておく必要がある。

 宇宙やサイバー空間に広がる脅威をめぐる日米協力も待ったなしだ。サイバーでは、企業なども深刻な脅威にさらされている。ぜひ、実効性の高い協力策をまとめてもらいたい。
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