Too Early to Call Obama Weak

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 22 January 2015
by Li Haidong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yuzhi Yang. Edited by Nathan Moseley.
Unlike past State of the Union addresses, which have placed emphasis on future planning and challenges, the latest Obama speech was concrete and detailed; it urged people to reevaluate America’s strength and the opinion that Obama’s foreign policy is weak.

First, America is in decline but still shows signs of strong growth. In 2008, the financial crisis originating in America, as well as the two anti-terrorist wars, weakened its economic power and international influence. The Obama administration's promise of revitalizing economic power did not really appear in its first term. In the past two years, America’s economic recovery and increased employment have been signs of its overcoming the crisis. America’s self-healing ability is now more visible. It is becoming less dependent on oil and going full speed ahead in developing and utilizing new energies, making America a front-runner in the aggressive new economic revolution. The foundation is now created for relatively long-term economic development in the future. The short-term reduction in defense spending will completely reverse as the American economy recovers; its military advantage is hard for other countries to challenge and will only continue. It can be said that America’s apparent decline in the last few years will end early.

Second, American diplomacy may be in a quandary but it is still capable. Due to global defense cutbacks and the previous administration’s diplomatic legacy, the Obama administration’s effective areas and topics are often known for their volatility. The issues in the Middle East, North Africa, Iraq, Afghanistan, Ukraine and the Asia-Pacific region have all demonstrated this. The Republican victory in the last midterm elections made more analysts believe that Obama would not be able to accomplish anything in the remaining two years. In fact, Obama’s efforts in establishing diplomatic relations with Cuba, the China-U.S. climate change agreement, as well as other ground-breaking diplomatic maneuvers, were all unveiled in this period. The recent State of the Union address further confirmed America’s improved relations with Latin American countries, its joint efforts with China in adjusting to climate changes and its attempts at nuclear talks with Iran. Obama classified both the Islamic State and Russia as American targets, which demonstrated that American diplomacy is not compromising; whether these measures are wise and effective remain to be seen.

Third, is American policy toward China more inflexible or constructive? The State of the Union mentioned “China” three times, and “Beijing” once. Obama’s emphasis on America deciding the trade rules, not China, is in fact an acknowledgement of the decreasing difference between the two countries’ economic strength. Obama’s statement is pressuring Congress and supports his promotion of the free trade agreement between America and European and Asia-Pacific countries. It also aims to soothe domestic fears about a growing Chinese economy. Joint efforts by China and the U.S. on climate adjustment will not only mean a turning point in global climate talks, but are also key to whether the most important diplomatic goal in the Obama administration can be realized. Of course, Obama’s attitude about its joint anti-terrorism efforts with China is also a positive sign. It can be foreseen that China-U.S. relations will deepen and become more effective in collaborations in the coming year.

The recent State of the Union address is Obama’s high-profile summary of his past six years. It will help alter people’s view that the changes in Congress are stifling him. Of course, Obama is clearly aware that whether or not his foreign and domestic motions can be realized is dependent on whether America can establish a healthy political environment. American politics have been divided for too long and too deeply. If the polarized domestic atmosphere does not change, any American administration’s efforts to realize ambitious domestic and foreign political goals will be very difficult.


Original publication note: The author is a professor at the Institute of Diplomacy.


与以往侧重远景规划与挑战不同,此次奥巴马国情咨文料多且实,促使人们对美国自身实力及奥巴马政府外交“软弱无力”观点予以重新审视。

 首先,美国是在衰退还是依然具有强劲发展势头。2008年发端于美国的金融危机和两场反恐 战争削弱了其经济实力和国际影响力。奥巴马政府确定的恢复经济活力在其第一届任期内并无起色。而在其过去两年执政期内,美国经济复苏,就业增加,已呈现摆 脱危机的势头。美国摆脱经济困境的自愈能力已渐清晰。美国减少对石油依赖及在新能源开发与利用领域全力推进,又使美国在当下强劲的新经济革命中占据先机, 这奠定了其未来较长时期经济良性发展的基础。当前短期内的美国国防开支削减局面必将随美国经济好转而彻底扭转,其军事优势他国难以挑战态势可能会更持久。 可以说,美国过去数年明显的衰退很可能会提前终结。

  其次,美国外交是深陷困境还是依然有为。由于任内美国全球范围内战略收缩及前任留下外交遗产过于“混乱”,奥巴马政府外交着力的区域与议题往往以“动荡”为突出特色。中东北非、伊拉克、阿富汗、乌克兰、亚太区域等诸多议题上莫不如此。去年国会中期选举共和党人胜选也导致更多分析家认为奥巴马在余下两年将一事无成。而事实上,奥巴马采取的诸如美古建交、中美气候变化协议等极具开拓性外交举措恰是此后相继推出的。此次国情咨文更加明确了美国将与拉美国家改善关系、与中国合作推动世界应对气候变化以及与伊朗谈判解决核问题的前景。奥巴马将IS与俄罗斯列为美国打击目标的举措展现出美国外交的毫不妥协特色,这样做是否明智和有效,仍需观察。

  第三,对华政策是更为强硬还是更具建设性。国情咨文三次提到“中国”,一次提到“北京”。 奥巴马强调美国而不是中国确定贸易规则的立场,这实际上是对中美经济实力差距实质性缩小的认同。奥巴马此番表态更多意在对国会施加压力,以支持奥巴马政府 推动的美国与欧洲及亚太国家的自由贸易协定,也意在安抚国内对中国经济强势崛起担忧。中美合作应对气候变化不仅意味着全球气候谈判面临转机,更是奥巴马任 内最重大外交规划能否实现的关键。当然,奥巴马关于与北京合作反恐的表态也具积极含义。可预见,中美关系在接下来一年中的合作将会更为深入与富有成效。

  此国情咨文可谓是奥巴马对6年执政的高调总结,有助于改变人们对其因国会变动而提 早“跛鸭”的观感。当然,奥巴马清醒的认识到其外交与内政动议是否尽快实现,很大程度上取决于美国是否能建立“良好政治”。美国政治分裂太久、太深了, “极化”的国内政治不变,任何美国政府要实现更富雄心的内政外交目标都很困难。▲(作者是外交学院教授)
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