Shades of Cold War in US-Russia Standoff: Powers Must Share the Burden of Preserving Peace

Published in Ming Pao
(Hong Kong) on 11 July 2015
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Alison Lacey.

 

 

Marine Corps Commandant Gen. Joseph Dunford, who has been tapped as the next U.S. chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, stated in his confirmation hearing last week that Russia is currently the "greatest threat" to U.S. national security, criticizing Russia's actions in Ukraine and Georgia.

The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is equivalent to the chief of general staff in other nations, and is both the highest-ranking military officer and top military adviser to the U.S. president. The U.S. military is ultimately led by a civilian, as the president serves as the head of the three military branches. Consequently, Dunford's statements should be largely representative of U.S. military and strategic theory, and the speech given at his confirmation hearing will constitute the core of the United States' strategic posture toward Russia moving into the future.

Top U.S. Military Officer Points to Russia as Greatest Threat to U.S. Security

Relations between the United States and Russia grew considerably warmer following the collapse of the Soviet Union, but the honeymoon proved to be fleeting as the two sides each continued to move according to their own calculus. The United States did not cease the eastward expansion of NATO, recruiting former Warsaw Pact member states to its ranks and inching NATO's front line to Russia's very doorstep, and was thus perceived as a security threat. At the same time, the audacious Vladimir Putin's aggressive bearing in Central Asia and Ukraine raised the United States’ hackles, and the two nations' amiable relations of the ‘90s evolved into a contest of military provocation, proof positive that within international relations there are no eternal allies, only eternal and perpetual interests.

While Dunford's confirmation hearing speech did little more than state clearly the main source of the divide between the United States and Russia, his words also betrayed the geostrategic focus of the United States upon Russia. Indeed, the old adversaries have been matching each other jab for jab in their military operations of late. The United States has moved heavy armaments into Eastern Europe and the Baltic states, forming a pincer against Russia from north to south and breaking NATO's policy of military restraint against Russia. Meanwhile, Russia has sent long-range bombers in close proximity to NATO airspace on multiple occasions, even flying near the U.S. homeland on the Fourth of July, and has simultaneously increased missile deployments to Europe. Although the United States has not regained top form since its two wars in the Middle East, and Russia has taken on its chin the one-two punch of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and more recent economic sanctions from the West, both nations yet remain nuclear heavyweights, and any friction or conflict between them must inevitably affect the rest of the world. As for China, Dunford adopted a much milder tone than that toward Russia, expressing a desire to strengthen U.S.-China military cooperation.

From this, it is abundantly clear that the mists of the Cold War have once again begun to coalesce around U.S.-Russia relations, with the two nations' actions growing ever more suspect and each maneuvering to establish its own sphere of influence. The United States recently reconciled with its mortal enemy of half a century in Cuba, the reopening of their embassies marking a clear triumph of peace over conflict from an international relations perspective. Some 50 years ago, the United States assisted anti-Castro fighters in hopes of overthrowing the Cuban regime, but the ragtag group folded in its first engagement and was wiped out during the Bay of Pigs invasion. Cuba became a thorn in the side of the United States, which responded with an extended embargo and threats of elimination. But apart from standing as evidence that the United States' hostile policies toward Cuba were not effective, the recent rapprochement further sheds light upon the desire of the U.S. leadership to settle its affairs with nations in Central and South America, the so-called "back yard" of the United States, thereby securing its flanks while confronting the larger Russian bear. Moreover, the United States freeing itself of concerns about Cuba and making it more difficult for Russia to constitute a serious threat from within Central America as it did during the 1962 Cuban missile crisis is essentially killing two birds with one stone.

BRICS Nations Form Alternate Core to Rival the US and Protect Own Interests

However, Russia is not one to be so easily dismissed, and at a recently-concluded BRICS Summit banded together with other member nations to issue the "Ufa Declaration," a piece criticizing unilateral armed interventions and economic sanctions toward other states in violation of international law and emphasizing that "no state should strengthen its security at the expense of the security of others."

Connecting the dots with current international affairs as they stand, the contents of the declaration quite clearly point to U.S. sanctions leveled upon Russia as a result of events in Ukraine, despite lacking any explicit reference to the United States. Because the BRICS nations that consist of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa together account for 42 percent of the global population and close to 30 percent of the world's territory in addition to possessing ample economic horsepower and nuclear arms in Russia, China and India, the group has begun to leverage its emergence as a powerful alternative core organization to rival even the United States.

Now, a quarter century after the end of the Cold War, frequent sparring between the United States and Russia and increasing friction in the West Pacific have appeared as seeming reenactments of that former feud, and the prospective U.S. chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff giving voice to this state of affairs is objective proof that the mists of the new Cold War have already descended upon us. All responsible powers must work to maintain the hard-won peace, move with the utmost care, and refrain from provoking conflict between nations merely to satisfy their own interests. If they fail in this, the arms race of yesteryear will begin anew, not only pulling each nation's economy into ruin, but likely consuming entire cities in the flames of war; the world does not desire such an end, a calamity that would engulf us all.


社評﹕美俄對峙現冷戰陰霾 大國須負責任保和平
獲得提名接任美國參謀長聯席會議主席的海軍陸戰隊司令鄧福德,上周在提名聽證會稱,俄羅斯是當前 美國國家安全的「最大威脅」,他並批評俄國在烏克蘭及格魯吉亞的行動。參謀長聯席會議主席相等於其他國家的總參謀長,是軍隊最高職級,也是美國總統的第一 號軍事顧問。美國是文官統率軍隊,總統身兼三軍總司令,因此鄧福德的言行,極大程度反映美國的軍事及戰略理念,他在聽證會上的講話,將成為未來美國對俄國 的戰略取態核心。
美國軍頭針對俄羅斯
指為美安全最大威脅
美國與俄羅斯在前蘇聯倒台後,關係 曾經如膠似漆,但這一短暫的蜜月期其後破裂,原因是美俄各有盤算——美國不放棄北約東擴,接二連三把前華約集團成員挖到北約,這麼一來,就把北約的前線置 於俄國城牆之下,令俄國感到安全受威脅。與此同時,個性強悍的普京,在中亞以及烏克蘭事件的強勢作風,挑動了美國的神經,兩國關係由1990年代的極其友 好變成互作軍事挑釁,足證「只有永遠的利益」的國際關係特殊形態。
鄧福德在聽證會的講話,不過是把當前美俄的主要矛盾清楚闡明,但其中也看 到美國的地緣戰略側重點,在於針對俄羅斯為主。事實上,美俄近期的軍事動作一招接一招,美國調動重型裝備進入東歐及波羅的海國家,形成對俄國由北至南鉗型 夾擊態勢,破壞了北約與俄國的軍事克制原則。俄國則多次派出長程轟炸機接近北約領空,甚至在美國國慶日飛到美國本土外圍空域,同時增加在歐洲部署彈道導 彈。美國雖然經歷兩次中東戰爭尚未恢復元氣,俄國則因前蘇聯四分五裂以及西方經濟制裁飽受打擊,但畢竟兩國都是核武大國,「瘦死駱駝比馬大」,兩國的摩擦 衝突,會對全球格局帶來影響。至於中國,鄧福德的語氣遠比談到俄國時溫和,稱願與中國加強軍事合作。
以此看來,美俄關係呈現冷戰陰霾已屬不 言自明,兩國之間最近連串舉動不比尋常,朝着構建各自勢力範圍有所動作。美國最近與半世紀死敵古巴和解,互設大使館,從國際關係來說,這是和平勝於戰爭的 明證。美國50年前曾協助反卡斯特羅武裝分子,企圖推翻古巴政權,只是這批嘍囉不堪一擊,在豬灣之役全軍覆沒,自此美國視這個鄰國如眼中釘,長期禁運,誓 要除之後快。然而這次和解,除了證明美國的敵視古巴政策沒有效用,更反映美國高層對中南美洲這塊所謂「美國後院」戰略是安定區內各國,以在對抗更大的敵人 俄國時無後顧之憂。再者,美國少了古巴心腹大患,俄國難以像1962年古巴導彈危機時那樣,進入中美洲對美國構成重大威脅,可謂一舉兩得。
俄 羅斯當非省油之燈,在剛結束的金磚國家領袖峰會,大會通過《烏法宣言》,譴責違反國際法單方面對其他國家進行武裝干涉和經濟制裁,強調「沒有國家可犧牲其 他國家安全為代價來換取自身的安全」。這些內容,聯繫當前國際關係格局,明顯針對美國就烏克蘭事件對俄國的制裁,只是沒有點名道姓說這就是美國。由於金磚 集團包括俄羅斯、中國、巴西、印度等國,總人口佔全球人口四成二,國土總面積佔全球近三成,更有豐沛經濟動力,而俄、中、印俱是核武俱樂部成員,這些都令 到金磚集團以另一個具實力的核心組織姿態呈現,與美國分庭抗禮。
金磚國組另一核心
分庭抗禮保己利益
冷戰 結束四分一世紀,近期美俄拳來腳往以及西太平洋摩擦頻現,似乎有着冷戰重現的歷史重複,如今候任美國參謀長聯席會議主席把事態挑明,客觀證明新冷戰陰霾已 然冒現。作為負責任的大國,必須傾力保衛來之不易的和平環境,慎言慎行,切勿挑動國與國之間的衝突,以遂一己利益。否則的話,昔日武裝到牙齒的軍備競賽重 來,不僅會拖垮國民經濟,更可能戰火焚城,這絕不是世界的期許,而是世界之禍。
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1 COMMENT

  1. Sort of amazing that you left out the part about the Russian invasion and annexation of the Ukrainian territory of Crimea in analyzing Russia relations with the rest of the world. And you also left out that the whole of Europe is arrayed against Russia’s belligerence.