Abe’s US Support Causes Winds and Waves in South Sea

Published in Ming Pao
(Hong Kong) on 16 August 2015
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Anthony Chantavy. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
On the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe issued a statement. On the surface, it consisted of topics such as invasion, colonial rule, reflection, and apology like in the Murayama Statement; in actuality, it was a way to deviate from a specific pattern of meaning by using words to fill space. It is as China’s Official Xinhua News Agency says: “distort history, fool the people.” China strongly criticized Abe for lacking sincerity; Korea had a similar reaction. The U.S. White House, though, welcomed Japan’s deep self-reflection. Abe’s statement evades apology and historical responsibility, but the U.S. believes that 70 years after the war, Japan sets an example for other countries. The discrepancy in China-U.S. acknowledgement of the Abe statement reflects two completely different strategic beliefs in the West Pacific. The future strife over the East China Sea will undoubtedly be more intense.

China and U.S. Stances toward Abe

The West Pacific Game

The Abe statement has prompted verbal attacks from China and Korea, the harshest being from Beijing. This is because to a certain degree, ever since the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit at the end of last year, Beijing presented a mild attitude toward Japan; in China’s words, China acknowledges the four principles upon which China and Japan agreed before the summit and hopes that the countries can improve their relations. The Abe government has shown no gratitude for Beijing’s good intentions. When the Abe statement was issued, its inner wording and overall content clearly fell short of Beijing’s expectations and requests. Moreover, Japan wanted to end its historical debate via the Abe statement, but to Beijing, which constantly talks about a diplomatic-military rise, the Abe statement is no way to set Beijing at ease, and after hearing the speech, Beijing has given up on the Abe regime.

China and America, two super powers in the West Pacific, are reacting counter intuitively to the Abe statement and, objectively speaking, putting the East Sea conflict and dispute on the table. China’s actions are quite comparable to actions in the past in that a so-called “soft” or “firm” attitude is being strategized. America supports Japan in historical issues that kindle China-Japan tensions, unwrapping the bandage that protects years of vague strategies in East Asia to reveal its real attitude. The feeling that people get from this development is that a statement from Abe immediately reveals the bottom card of China-U.S. relations in Japanese affairs, making it hard to turn back from this East China Sea game. If anyone lets their guard down for a moment, Beijing has no way of facing the recent upsurge of nationalism, and America’s support and determination for its allies will be called into question.

The Chinese government values the East China Sea struggle much higher than the South China Sea. This is because even though the South Sea has more surrounding countries, those countries are not all against Beijing. China has taken measures of varying extremity in the South Sea in recent years. At the end of 2013, after the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone was established, there was a plan for another ADIZ in the South Sea, but like the sounds of footsteps on empty stairs, it is not really mentioned nowadays. From this, we can see that China, with its naval force believed to be behind that of the U.S. and Japan, still focuses on the East Sea. Besides the fact that the East Sea is China’s ocean lifeline, it is more important that the countries it must confront are Japan and the U.S. across the Pacific Ocean. Mainland China’s eastern coast is the metropolitan district with the most concentrated population and the most prosperous economy. Shanghai, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang make up its core. To the north of Shanghai and Zhejiang are Beijing and Tianjin, and to the south, Fujian and Guangdong. Along the Yangtze River straight through the center to the west, inside and out, are all of China’s areas of responsibility, and the South Sea fleet garrisoned on this land and the North Sea fleet around the Yellow River are China’s strongest naval forces.

“Three ‘New’ Kingdoms” in the West Pacific

A Difficult Attack Crisis

Now that the Abe statement has forced China and the United States to the front of the stage, China has changed from fighting a war with Japan to combating a U.S.-Japan alliance. The East Sea struggle will undoubtedly be turbulent and torrential. One can imagine that the small South Sea region, followed by three of the world’s top naval vessels and ships, and disputes over the Diaoyu Islands and issues with Taiwan on top of that, will require extreme political wisdom to spare us bigger problems. Judging from Asian countries involved in the East Sea at this moment, no one sees a reason to step back. China stands its ground for its own safety and nationalism, America wants to vie over the West Pacific and restrain China, and Japan wants to preserve its own best interests. These “Three Kingdoms” in the West Pacific will be an arena for strategists at least 20 years from now, and the China-Japan standoff must wait for Abe to leave the stage before there is any long-term deliberation, but the hostility that has grown among every country over the past few years is the leading factor of change, and it will be difficult to end the East Sea crisis.


在第二次世界大战结束70周年之际,日本首相安倍晋三发表谈话,表面上把"侵略"、"殖民统治"、"反省"及"道歉"4种此前"村山谈话"的表述都用上,其实俱是脱离具体语意框架的抽空言辞,说到底就如中国官方新华社所言"糊弄历史,欺瞒世人"。中国对"安倍谈话"强烈批评,指安倍欠缺诚意;韩国也有类似反应。美国则由代表总统的白宫发表声明,欢迎日本对历史深刻反省。"安倍谈话"回避道歉及历史责任,美国则认为战后70年的日本是其他国家"典范",中美对"安倍谈话"认知的歧异,折射出两套完全不一样的西太平洋战略取态,未来东海的争逐,势必更为激烈。

"安倍谈话"引起中韩抨击,其中又以北京的批评最为猛烈,因为某程度而言,自从去年底亚太经合组织(APEC)峰会之后,北京采取相对温和的对日本态度,据中国的说法,确认峰会前中日达成协议的4项原则,希望两国关系可以改善。北京这种善意,安倍政府显然未有领情,到了"安倍谈话"发表,内里字眼及整篇谈话内容,明显未能达到北京的期许及要求。再者,日本欲通过"安倍谈话"结束就历史的争论,但对近年声声外交军事"大国崛起"的北京来说,"安倍谈话"不可能是令北京放软姿态的下台阶,而且由于感到被安倍摆了一道,对安倍政权从此死心。

西太平洋两个超级大国中国及美国,对"安倍谈话"反应南辕北辙,客观上把东海的矛盾及纠纷摆上枱面。中国的取态大致与前相若,所谓"软"或"硬"态度是策略之故;美国在足以点燃中日冲突的历史问题支持日本,把多年来在东亚的"模糊战略"纱帐拿走,露出真正态度。事态发展予人的感觉,是一篇"安倍谈话"把中美在日本问题上的底牌一下子逼出来,变成难以后退,展开这场东海博弈。因为只要从这条线稍一退让,北京无法面对近年高涨的民族主义情绪,美国则会被质疑对盟友的支持决心。

中国政府对东海一线争逐的重视,大大超过对南海的看重,因为南海周边国家虽多,却非完全与北京对立。中国近年在南海的处理手法轻重结合,2013年底在东海设立防空识别区之后,在南海也设防空识别区之议一度"闻得楼梯响",到近期连提也没提,由此可见,海军战力被认为落后美国及日本的中国,重点仍在东海。东海除了是中国的海上生命线,更重要是东海面对的国家是日本及太平洋远处的美国,中国大陆东海岸是人口最密集、经济最繁盛的都会地区,上海、江苏、浙江俱在其内,经沪浙可北上京津南下闽粤;沿长江直入,华中华西广大腹地都是目标,因此驻紮此地的东海舰队及黄海一带的北海舰队,是中国海军实力最强的部队。

如今"安倍谈话"把中美逼出台前,从以前的中国单斗日本,变成中国对抗美日联盟,东海争逐势必风高浪急,波涛汹涌。可以想像,小小的东海区域,挤上3支以量而言位列世界前沿的海军舰艇及战机,加上钓鱼岛纠纷及台湾问题,需要极高的政治智慧才能免于更大的冲突发生。观乎这一刻涉及东海的诸国,仍未见到有着可以往后退一步的诱因﹕中国不退是因为自身安全及民族主义,美国则要争夺西太平洋及遏制中国,日本是为保住一己最大利益。西太平洋这出"三国演义",将是未来至少20年的兵家必争之地,而中日之间的对立,要待安倍下台之后始能从长计议。但最近几年各国之间敌对意识积聚,就是领袖更迭,亦难即消弭东海危机。(完)
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