This Axis of Evil Prisoner of America

Published in Le Temps
(Switzerland) on 15 January 2016
by Stéphane Bussard (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Megan Cohen. Edited by Matthew Boyer.
“The dogmas of the quiet past.” Quoting Abraham Lincoln, Barack Obama underlined the merits of change in his last State of the Union address. With the European Union, America and the United Nations about to lift sanctions against the Iranian nuclear program, Republican candidates for the White House cannot imagine the implementation of the agreement of Vienna as a climax of multilateral diplomacy. But, they see it instead as a surrender to a nation that should never have been removed from the “Axis of Evil” that George W. Bush placed it in in 2002.

Their preference to ally, without hesitation, with Saudi Arabia, a Sunni power that degrades balance in the region because it, in terms of respect for the fundamental liberties, is disastrous. They take pleasure in interpreting any statement of the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, any demonstration of brainwashed citizens shouting "Death to America" as proof that Iran is the embodiment of evil. Yet they refuse to critique Riyadh in the same way. By choosing a side, Sunni, they sabotage the more or less neutral position that the Obama administration has tried to adopt in the denominational war that rages in the Middle East.

Yet Iran, which also has a horrible record of balance in terms of executions, can become an ally of circumstance. The modern, young, and educated Iranian society aspires to freedom which is hardly different from young Westerners. Slamming the door in their faces, like the Republicans are doing, is an insult to the values which they claim to have.

Between Washington and Tehran, there is not a complete thawing of tensions, but an evolution. It is uncertain if the agreement on Iranian nuclear power will be an overall success. But the way John Kerry and Mohammad Javad Zarif settled, within 24 hours, a mini-crisis caused by the interception of ten American sailors in the Persian Gulf, says a lot about the accomplished progress. There is, however, a danger that threatens them: a Republican winning the election that would swear only by the Saudi ally and Revolutionary Guards and would also be determined to marginalize the moderate President Hassan Rouhani. The Saudis have a lot to lose as well. Their political, military and economic influence has never prospered as much as it has under the duration of sanctions against Iran.


«Les dogmes du passé tranquille.» Citant Abraham Lincoln, Barack Obama a souligné les mérites du changement dans son dernier discours sur l’état de l’Union. A l’heure où l’Union européenne, l’Amérique et les Nations unies sont sur le point de lever les sanctions contre le programme nucléaire iranien, les candidats républicains à la Maison-Blanche ne vivent pourtant pas la mise en œuvre de l’accord de Vienne comme un point d’orgue de la diplomatie multilatérale. Mais comme une capitulation face un Etat qui ne devrait jamais quitter l’Axe du Mal sur lequel George W. Bush l’a placé en 2002.

Ils préfèrent se ranger sans hésiter derrière l’Arabie saoudite, une puissance sunnite rétrograde dont le bilan en termes de respect des libertés fondamentales est désastreux. Ils se complaisent à interpréter toute déclaration du guide suprême Ali Khamenei, toute manifestation de citoyens manipulés criant «Mort à l’Amérique» comme une preuve que l’Iran est bien l’incarnation du Mal. Or ils refusent d’émettre le même type de critiques envers Riyad. En choisissant un camp, sunnite, ils sabotent la position plus ou moins neutre que l’administration Obama tente d’adopter dans la guerre confessionnelle qui fait rage au Moyen-Orient.

Or l’Iran, qui a aussi un horrible bilan quand il est question d’exécutions, peut devenir un allié de circonstance. La société iranienne, moderne, jeune, éduquée, a des aspirations de liberté qui ne diffèrent guère de celles de jeunes Occidentaux. Lui claquer la porte au nez, comme le font les républicains, est une insulte aux valeurs qu’ils prétendent porter.

Entre Washington et Téhéran, ce n’est pas le dégel complet, mais les choses évoluent. Rien ne dit que l’accord sur le nucléaire iranien sera en fin de compte un succès. Mais la manière dont John Kerry et Mohammad Javad Zarif ont réglé, en moins de vingt-quatre heures, la mini-crise provoquée par l’interception de dix marins américains dans le golfe Persique, en dit long sur les progrès accomplis. Le danger qui les menace est toutefois double: l’accession d’un républicain à la Maison-Blanche qui ne jurerait que par l’allié saoudien et des Gardiens de la révolution déterminés à marginaliser le président modéré Hassan Rohani. Ces derniers ont beaucoup à perdre. Leur influence politique, militaire et économique n’a jamais autant prospéré que sous le régime des sanctions.
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