We Must Be on High Alert and Keep on Guard Against ‘Color Revolution’

Published in Qiushi Journal
(China) on 25 February 2016
by Zhou Xiaobing (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Calvin Blackburn. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
In recent years, a series of countries have one after another seen a “color revolution” break out, with political power changing hands and the political situation suffering unrest, drawing the attention of the whole world. This type of so-called revolution in which the United States directs the overthrow of the regime in power is worth calling for our highest level of attention.

'Color Revolutions' Have Regular Patterns that Can Be Explored

This color revolution is primarily a kind of coup d’état which uses the non-violent method of “politics on the streets” to subvert the government in power. The sudden changes that occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s is a classic example of this, and has been subsequently repeated in a number of Eastern European, Central Asian and North African countries. As a result of the opposition group seizing power, often using a kind of color as their symbol during the course of their subversion of the regime, these kinds of events are known as color revolutions. In general, there are two kinds of color revolutions: the first kind involves changing the nature of a socialist country’s regime, taking the socialist dictatorship of the proletariat and turning it into a capitalist dictatorship of the bourgeois. For example, the massive change in political circumstances that took place in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries during the '80s and '90s of the last century. This kind of color revolution is in fact what we commonly call peaceful transformation. The other kind occurs when a capitalist country’s regime is turned into a pro-U.S. regime. In the present century, the events that have occurred in some countries in Eastern Europe, Central Asia and North Africa fit this bill.

Although these two kinds of color revolutions have different characteristics, they nonetheless share some commonalities and regular patterns that we can explore. As to the color revolutions that have already occurred, we can break them up into four steps.

The first step is to fabricate public discussion that subverts the regime in power. With the United States in the background supporting and manipulating the color revolution, all are like this. This sort of ideological activity can be separated into two kinds. The first is demonization of the regime in power, gathering together all the mistakes and drawbacks of the work done by the government and exaggerating it, inciting the dissatisfaction of the masses. Sometimes the revolution will take hold of a specifically prominent event and repeatedly disseminate information about it, leaving the masses with a deep impression of the drawbacks inherent with the regime in power.

The other kind is through the use of mass media propaganda and public discussion, instilling the public with American values, beautifying American-style democracy and freedom, causing the great masses to imperceptibly begin to identify with the United States’ political-economic system. The purpose of this is to establish the ideological basis for a pro-American regime.

The second step is to establish the political organization for the opposition. On the foundation of fabrication of public opinion and confusing the ideology of the people, the political organization for the opposition is established, an important step for a color revolution. First one sets up non-government organizations, then one can successfully establish an opposition party. In socialist countries, agreeing to the establishment of so-called anti-party non-official organizations is in actuality allowing for the conduct of organized and open anti-communist and anti-socialist activities. Following the change in circumstances, on the premise of non-official organizations, it is inevitable that an opposition party will be established, and agreement to establish an opposition party signifies the realization of a multi-party system. Once a multi-party system is realized, it is a matter of course that the Communist Party’s position of leadership will be abolished, that being a condition of the bourgeois party’s seizure of power. Consequently, China must establish strict controls and management of non-government organizations, especially those supported by the West. We must only allow them to carry out activities within the purview of the law and our constitution, and absolutely not permit them to promote anti-party and anti-socialist activities. Of special importance, we must strictly manage the use and sources of capital for Western aid. As for these illegal parties or organizations, we must resolutely ban them. In this aspect, we must not hesitate or appease the response of the West.

The third step is to seek out liberals and other pro-U.S. elements with influence and an ability to draw a crowd to act as leaders of the opposition. Gathering up those striving to overthrow the present regime and waiting for the right moment, they then launch their assault on the government, organizing a new regime with them as its leaders. It is best if these people have undergone training by the United States, or they are in close touch with an American organization, and are clearly slanted toward the United States. The man who personally broke up the Soviet Union, Gorbachev, was for the Western powers a sought out “inside man.” Margaret Thatcher admitted that prior to Gorbachev’s arrival, the West was unable to actualize its intentions of undermining the Soviet Union. The West estimated that “after a person we have assisted has become the likely successor, with his help we might realize our ambitions. This person was Mikhail Gorbachev. My advisers’ evaluation of him was that he was imprudent, easy to manipulate, and particularly vain. He had excellent relations with much of the Soviet elite, and consequently he was able to take power through our assistance.”* Sure enough, with the aid of the Western powers, Gorbachev assumed the position of general secretary of the Soviet Union. In accordance with the demands of the West he led the Soviet Union on the road to ruin step by step.

The fourth step is to utilize sudden events, or the opportunity of elections to fly the banner of democracy and liberty; organizing demonstrations, marches, gatherings, worker and student strikes, the occupation of public squares, attacks on government bodies, as well as other activities of street politics, forcing the government to hand over power. Sudden events are sometimes incredibly small incidents (Tunisia’s “Jasmine Revolution” was the result of a clash between a peddler and its equivalent to China’s Chengguan) which have undergone organized exaggeration, transforming them into big incidents. Thus, these little events cannot be taken lightly; they must be dealt with carefully, cutting off the opportunity for sinister elements to manipulate these small issues. Street politics are an unreasonable one-way street. Everything the opposition does is democratic, anything that a government does which fails to conform to America’s plans, short of stepping down from power, is undemocratic. When the opposition receives the smaller share of votes in an election, they say that there has been fraud and a new election must be held, if this new election is not held it is undemocratic. When the opposition carries out a multitude of illegal activities (including attacking the presidential palace and parliament building) it is all democratic. Should the government move to prevent this, they are undemocratic. In sum, this involves utilizing democracy as a means of restraining governments that do not fall in line with America’s schemes, while encouraging pro-American opposition to act with a free hand.

It may be said that the color revolution has ideological activity as its foundation, organized opposition under prominent figures as its crux, sudden events as opportunities to be utilized, and establishment of a pro-U.S. regime as its objective.

America has a deep understanding of the time-tested trick of the color revolution. Following the color revolutions in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice declared in April 2005 when meeting with a representative of the Belarussian opposition: “Now is the time for change in Belarus.”** She proposed four main routes of attack: support for an independent media as well as the establishment of a new mass media, speeding up the development of mass movements, the formation of an opposition league, and selection of a unified presidential candidate by the opposition to compete with incumbent Alexander Lukashenko in the 2006 presidential election.

Everything Is Manipulated in the Background by the United States, Benefits Are Received from its Government

Color revolutions have occurred in many different countries, and at first glance they are the result of local citizens fighting for democracy. However, in the background there is always a dark hand manipulating the situation, receiving benefits from the United States, falling in line with American strategic demands. It can be said that every color revolution is a piece on the chessboard of America’s greater scheme to obtain global hegemony. Without American plotting, support and guidance, there would be no color revolutions.

America is an imperialist country whose rule is monopolized by the bourgeois, her fundamental interests lie in external expansion and engaging in hegemony. Following the conclusion of the Cold War, the United States obtained the position of sole superpower and proceeded to take clear steps toward its aim of becoming a global hegemon, in addition to establishing a unipolar world. The balance of global political power was thrown askew, allowing American hegemony to bring forth greater levels of aggression, invasiveness and risk. Former President Bill Clinton said, “If the world wants to avoid suffering from the disasters of the past, it needs a leader, and there can only be one leader,” adding that America “possesses the most capability for leading the world.”** After 9/11, George W. Bush openly stated, “Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.”** This once again laid bare the brash and overbearing nature of the United States. If America’s position as sole superpower does not undergo fundamental change soon then this kind of global hegemony will not change.

There are two ways to bring about hegemony. The first method is to use armed force, as America did in Iraq. The other way is to use peaceful means, sliding into the goals set by the United States as smoothly as velvet. As experience demonstrates, the net cost of the former is too high, far exceeding the anticipated return, whereas the latter method comes with little cost and great results. In addition, the resistance to this method is negligible, making it easy to obtain the approval of international society. America’s invasion of and war in Iraq cost over $200 billion, the lives of more than 1,500 of its soldiers, offended several of its allies, and in the end was unable to achieve all of its goals, instead leaving a multitude of repercussions. As for the Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, throughout the process America needed to invest only around $200 million, it never needed to place any of its personnel in harm’s way, it saw major success, and even managed to win the combined support of its allies. In this way, as a means of realizing its ambition of being a global leader and hegemon, overturning anti-U.S. or unfriendly regimes as well as supporting U.S.-friendly regimes, outside of a last resort use of force, America’s first choice is the peaceful method of a color revolution. A series of color revolutions has occurred under American direction in accordance with her needs as sole global hegemon. Naturally this is only America’s desire, and will occasionally backfire. As for the essence of American imperialism, one must have a clear understanding and refrain from holding on to fantasies that are not in accordance with the facts. When facing the danger of American-operated color revolutions, one ought to maintain a high level of awareness and not lower one’s guard.

The color revolutions carried out by the United States share a common element in that they all fly the banner of democracy. America first assigns those regimes that are not in accordance with its wishes the label of undemocratic, dictator-ruled, inhumane, and a regime that violates human rights. Afterward, the U.S. encourages the opposition to come out and demand democracy. This is a very simple way of deluding people. In the late '80s and early '90s of the last century, during the massive transformation of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries, America used this technique. At the turn of this century, in Yugoslavia, Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan and later on in the North African countries, America was still using this technique. For instance, on Oct. 7, 1989, in East Germany’s capital, Berlin, demonstrators that had the support of America gathered outside the banquet hall where celebrations were taking place for the national anniversary. What was their cry? Democracy. On Oct. 9, 1989, when a 70,000-strong protest broke out in Leipzig, what was the demand put forward by the protesters? Democracy. The Soviet Union and Eastern European countries’ socialist regimes were all brought down by the assault launched by the street politics of democracy.

Entering the 21st century, what did America use against the anti-U.S. regime of Milosevic, the pro-U.S., but not quite thorough enough regime of Georgia, and the former regime of Kyrgyzstan? They too were forced to step down through use of the tricks of democracy and fair elections, replaced with obedient and entirely pro-U.S. regimes. For example, during the 2004 Ukrainian election crisis, when supporters of the opposition were asked, “Why do you support Yushchenko?” quite a few people responded, “To support Yushchenko is to support democracy.” America also wants to use this technique against China. In this century, prior to a planned visit to China, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that, “China’s democratic progress ought to have a schedule.”** She was so eager she could barely contain herself. We must carry out a broad program of educating the great numbers of party members, cadres and the masses about Marxist views on democracy, exposing the true nature of American cries for democracy. Simultaneously, we should adopt practical and effective measures to develop a socialist democracy, truly bringing about rule by the people. When facing the forceful offensive of America’s color revolution, we must go a step further in both theory and practice, focusing our efforts on carrying out the relevant work.

In carrying out color revolutions, the United States does not lack for endurance. In every country that has had a color revolution the opposition always has received American financial backing. America is especially generous, never hesitating to spend its hard earned capital to support the opposition’s anti-regime activities. This includes ideological propaganda, carrying out street politics, organizing elections, etc. In Ukraine, when the opposition under Yushchenko organized a large-scale demonstration and he needed to gather together people from all over the country on the streets of Kiev, America used non-governmental organizations to provide money to rent cars and pay the fees for services rendered. In addition, in the course of one night, American-backed non-governmental organizations helped set up the tents for public lodging in the square. During the course of Georgia’s Rose Revolution, America was able to prepare for everything in advance by means of non-government organizations. This included determining how much money was to be spent, which anti-government organization was to be given support, and whom to cooperate with, along with other issues. In order to subvert the regime of Lukashenko in Belarus, the American government allocated $89 million in 2004 for the use of supporting an independent media, opposition group, domestic organizations, and trade organizations there. In 2005, the U.S. Senate once again declared that it was allocating $5 million for the explicit use of aiding the Belarusian opposition.

It is worth noting that the preparatory work for America’s color revolutions is often done via non-governmental organizations, especially during the period of ideological work. Numerous foundations operate under the pretense of fostering cooperation and communication, or investment in scientific research as a means to infiltrate local ideology and search for useful figures for the coming revolution. These kinds of activities are concealed, lurking underneath the surface until the right moment comes for them to reveal their true nature. As a result, these sorts of foundations and organizations must be carefully screened and dealt with seriously.

The United States pays close attention to training opposition members in politics so that they might become key members of the leadership. Poland’s Lech Walesa, Yugoslavia’s Kostunica, Georgia’s Mikheil Saakashvili, and Ukraine’s Viktor Andriyovych Yushchenko have all been leading figures that are to America’s liking. They have received the secret and public support of the United States, with some still receiving a democratic education directly in America. For instance, in the summer of 2003, America held a seminar in Belgrade attended by Georgia’s Saakashvili, wherein he received training in how to carry out a Serbian-style soft revolution. Only a few months later Saakashvili successfully carried out Georgia’s Rose Revolution, ascending the throne as president. In addition to training leaders, America also expends a large amount of effort bringing the core power up to speed. In March 2003, the United States held a seminar at a Hilton hotel in the Hungarian capital of Belgrade entitled “A Seminar on Non-violent Protest.” Some 24 leaders of the Yugoslavian opposition were attending there in secret. Under the guidance of experts these leaders learned how to organize worker and student strikes, how to communicate through hand signals, how to conquer their fears, how to destabilize the rule of a dictatorial government, and other techniques. After finishing their studies, these leaders rapidly became involved in the street politics of the anti-Milosevic movement. In the autumn of 2004, America dispatched more than 1,000 people across Ukraine’s 14 oblasts. Timely trained for the Orange Revolution, the individuals transported made up the backbone of the movement. In 2003, Belarus had nearly 200 of its democratic activists go to America for a tour and training. Some 50 Belarusian youths also participated in the “future leaders” program organized by the American government and came to the United States for studies.

Preventing a Color Revolution Is a Systematic Project

In the present state of international and domestic affairs, China faces the objective risk of a Western-orchestrated color revolution occurring here. Our country’s socialism was established within the encirclement of capitalism, and though socialism may be the case in politics, economics, technology, the military, or even in ideology, capitalism has the stronger position throughout the globe. America has always carried out a strategy of westernization and stratification toward China. To use the words of Deng Xiaoping, the U.S. does not like the fact that China treads the socialist road, so it plots to overthrow our nation’s socialist system. We absolutely cannot afford to underestimate the influence of the United States.

Since the onset of reform and opening, the West has never ceased in its efforts to act out a color revolution in China. To prevent a color revolution, we must strengthen the instruments of our dictatorship. In times of political turmoil, the use of dictatorial tools is 100 percent necessary to protect political stability and social tranquility. It is exactly as Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “The proletariat acts as a new class in its seizure of power, thus in the course of establishing socialism, its power is weaker than capitalism for a relatively long period of time. If one does not utilize a dictatorship, then one cannot resist the attacks of capitalism. To uphold socialism one must persevere in the dictatorship of the proletariat, we call this the people’s democratic dictatorship. . . Using the power of the people’s democratic dictatorship to solidify the people’s political strength is a matter of justice, there is nothing wrong with it.” Democracy and dictatorship are one, it is only through the use of dictatorial powers over an extremely small minority that one can guarantee the democratic rights of the vast majority. To use dictatorial powers on this minority of liberalizers clamoring for color revolution and to punish their accomplices in accordance with the law is wholly in the right. Our talk of ruling our nation under the law and constitution includes this sort of thing.

At the same time, we must recognize that solely relying on the mechanism of dictatorship to face the threat to social stability posed by color revolution is vastly insufficient. We must turn our attention to measures of prevention and stopping disaster before it occurs. On the positive side, preventing a color revolution is a matter of strengthening the infrastructure of the party’s governing capability. This is an effort of systems engineering that brings together many different aspects, at a minimum one ought to include the following basic policies in this work:

1. Strengthen the leading position of Marxism and effectively carry out ideological work. One should re-establish the extreme importance of ideological work in one’s mind. Historically, the area of ideology is one that we have striven hard to take from hostile forces; if problems arise in this area then it may lead to societal chaos and even the loss of political power;

2. On the organizational side of things we must ensure that all levels of our leadership are firmly in the hands of Marxism. This is a key aspect of solidifying the ruling position of the Communist Party and preventing a color revolution. Only when all levels of party leadership and cadres are loyal to the party and to the socialist enterprise, and commit themselves wholeheartedly to the service of the people can our political power be as solid as a rock in the face of whatever hostile force within and without throw at us. Thus, we must closely guard against people who infiltrate the ranks of our leadership cadres and “eat the communist party’s food but smash its bowl";

3. The most fundamental policy is to shore up and strengthen the foundation of the party among the masses. In a socialist country, a color revolution is in reality a fierce class struggle where victory and defeat are determined in a contest of force. We need not fear some opposition, for in an economy that is globalizing, diversifying, subject to a multitude of changes, and subject to the drive of self-interest, there will always be people opposed to the socialist enterprise. It is not frightening that there are people opposed to this; one need only fear lacking the firm support of the great masses, a position where the ruling party cannot depend on the foundation of the masses. In relation to the power of the ruling party, this holds decisive importance.

4. To prevent a color revolution and to strengthen the infrastructure of the party’s governing capability, one must solidify the dominant role of public ownership, expanding the role of state economy. The foundation of our economy must certainly have a superstructure. The socialist system’s foundation lies in the communal ownership of the fruits of production, and our people’s democratic dictatorship is based on the foundation of a system of communal ownership. It is only through unceasingly strengthening the dominant role of communal ownership that our political power can be solidified.

*Editor’s note: Although accurately translated, the source and content of this quote could not be independently verified.

**Editor’s note: Although accurately translated, this quote could not be independently verified.

***Translator’s note: The translator disputes these figures, and based on independent research finds that these numbers should be higher: the cost of war being approximately $1.2 trillion and the number of casualties at approximately 4,000 dead.


必须高度警惕和防范“颜色革命”

 近年来,一系列国家接连发生“颜色革命”,政权更迭,政局动荡,引起了全世界的注意。这种由美国导演的推翻现政权的所谓“革命”,值得我们高度警惕。

  一、“颜色革命”有规律可探寻

  所谓“颜色革命”,主要是指通过非暴力的“街头政治”方式颠覆政权的一种政变。上世纪80年代末、90年代初苏联东欧国家的政局剧变就是一个典型,后来在一系列东欧、中亚以及北非国家重演。由于在颠覆政权的过程中,夺取政权的反对派往往用某种颜色作为标志,所以把这类事件统称为“颜色革命”。一般有两类不同性质的“颜色革命”:一类是改变社会主义国家政权的性质,把社会主义的无产阶级专政变为资本主义的资产阶级专政。例如,上世纪八九十年代苏联东欧国家发生的政局剧变。这类“颜色革命”实质上就是我们常讲的“和平演变”。另一类是在资本主义国家里把现政权改变为亲美的政权。本世纪以来,东欧、中亚以及北非许多国家发生的事件,实质就是如此。

  尽管两类“颜色革命”的性质不同,但具有许多共同之处,有一些规律可以探寻。已发生的“颜色革命”大体上可分四步:

  第一步是制造颠覆现政权的舆论。由美国背后支持、操纵的“颜色革命”都是如此。这种意识形态工作可分为两类。一类是把现政权妖魔化。收集政府工作中的错误、缺失,加以夸大,煽动群众的不满。有时抓住某个突出事件反复宣传,使群众对现政权的“劣迹”有一个深刻的印象。在苏联剧变过程中,敌对势力揪住肃反扩大化大做文章,任意扩大肃反中被镇压的人数,详细叙述“迫害”的过程,描写各种细节,制造恐怖气氛,动摇群众对现政权的信任。“灭人之国,必先去其史”。在社会主义国家搞“颜色革命”,首先是制造否定共产党的历史和社会主义实践的舆论,把共产党领导的革命斗争以及社会主义时期的建设说得一无是处,歪曲、造谣、污蔑,无所不用其极。这样,打倒共产党、推翻社会主义就是正义的、顺理成章的事情了。苏联向资本主义演变,就是从否定历史开始的,否定苏联历史、苏共历史,否定列宁、斯大林,一路否定下去,一夜之间城头变幻大王旗。政局变化可以是突然发生的,思想变化却是逐渐的。思想防线一旦突破,其他防线也就守不住了。因此,要从苗头上加以防范。

  另一类是通过舆论工具的宣传以及人员的往来,灌输美国的价值观,美化美国式的民主、自由,让广大人民群众潜移默化地认同美国的政治经济制度,为有朝一日建立亲美政权奠定思想基础。对这一类“放长线钓大鱼”式的舆论工作也应该保持高度警惕,千万不能被美国的民主、自由忽悠了。

  第二步是建立反对派的政治组织。在制造舆论、搞乱人们思想的基础上,建立反对派组织,这是“颜色革命”的重要一步。先是建立非政府组织,进一步是成立反对党。在社会主义国家里,同意成立反党的所谓“非正式组织”,实际上就是允许有组织地、公开地进行反共反社会主义的活动;随着形势的变化,在“非正式组织”的基础上必然成立反对党,而同意成立反对党,就意味着实行多党制;一实行多党制,必然导致取消共产党的领导地位,为资产阶级政党夺取政权创造条件。所以,在中国对那些非政府组织,尤其是西方支持的非政府组织,必须严格控制和管理,只能允许它们在宪法和法律范围内进行活动,决不能任其进行反党反社会主义的活动。尤其要严格管理西方资助的资金的来源及其使用情况。对那些非法的政党或组织,更应该坚决取缔。在这方面,决不能顾忌西方的反应而犹豫、姑息。

  第三步是物色有影响的、具有一定号召力的自由主义分子和亲美人士,作为反对派领袖,把力图推翻现政权的人聚集在一起,待时机成熟,向现政权发起进攻,组织以他为首的新政权。这种人最好是经过美国培训的,或者是与美国的机构有着密切联系的,有明显的亲美倾向。亲手解散苏联的戈尔巴乔夫就是西方物色到的“自己人”。撒切尔夫人承认,此前,西方搞垮苏联的意图一直没有能够实现。直到上世纪80年代初,西方估计到“经我们帮助的人可能继任,借助他我们能够实现我们的想法。这个人就是米·戈尔巴乔夫。我的智囊们对此人评价是不够谨慎,容易被诱导,极其爱好虚荣。他与苏联政界大多数精英关系良好,因此,通过我们的帮助,他能够掌握大权”。果然,在西方的帮助下,戈尔巴乔夫登上苏共中央总书记的位置,他按照西方的要求,一步一步把苏联引上绝路。

  第四步是利用突发事件,或者利用选举机会,打着民主、自由的旗号,组织示威、游行、集会、罢工、罢课、占领广场、冲击政府机关等“街头政治”活动,迫使政府交权。突发事件,有时是很小的一件事情(突尼斯“茉莉花革命”起因是城管同小贩的冲突),经过有组织的渲染,发酵成大事件。所以不能轻视这种小事,必须慎重处理,及时斩断利用小事情发酵的黑手。“街头政治”是不讲理的“单行道”:反对派怎么做都是民主的,不合美国意图的政府除了下台怎么做都是违反民主。反对派在选举中得到的是少数票,就说有舞弊,要重新选举,不重新选举就是不民主;反对派进行各种非法活动(包括冲击总统府、议会大厦)都是民主,而政府予以制止,就是不民主。总之,利用“民主”束缚不合美国意图的政府的手脚,鼓励亲美的反对派放手干。

  可以说,所谓“颜色革命”,意识形态工作是基础,组织有头面人物带领的反对派是关键,突发事件是可以利用的时机,目标是建立亲美政权。

  美国对“颜色革命”这种屡试不爽的手段有着深刻认识。在格鲁吉亚、乌克兰、吉尔吉斯斯坦得手以后,美国前国务卿赖斯在2005年4月会见白俄罗斯反对派代表时宣布:“现在是白俄罗斯实行变革的时候了。”她提出了四大主攻方向:支持独立媒体、创办新的大众传媒;加速发展群众运动;组成反对派联盟;选出统一的总统候选人,在2006年的总统大选中与现任总统卢卡申科一争高低。

  二、背后都是美国操纵,受美国利益支配

  “颜色革命”是在不同国家里发生的,表面上是本国人民在争“民主”,但背后都有一只黑手操纵着,受美国利益支配,服从于美国的战略要求。可以说,每一场“颜色革命”都是美国谋取世界霸权的战略棋局中的一枚棋子。没有美国的谋划、支持、指使,就不会有“颜色革命”。

  美国是垄断资产阶级统治的帝国主义国家,它的根本利益在于对外扩张,搞霸权主义。冷战结束以后,美国取得了“一超独强”的地位,明显加快了它谋取全球霸权和建立单极世界的步伐。国际政治力量对比严重失衡,使得美国霸权主义呈现出更大的进攻性、侵略性和冒险性。前总统克林顿说:“要使世界免遭过去的灾难,必须有一个领导,而且只能有一个领导”,而美国“最具有领导这个世界的能力”。9·11事件后,小布什公开提出,“世界上任何地区的任何国家都必须做出选择:或者跟美国站在一起,或者跟恐怖分子站在一起。”这充分暴露出美国蛮横霸道的本质。美国一超独强的地位在短期内不发生根本性变化,这种全球霸权主义也就不会发生变化。

  实现霸权主义可以有两种办法。一种是使用武力,例如美国在伊拉克动武;一种是和平的方式,像踏着天鹅绒那样平稳地滑向美国设定的目标。实践表明,前一种方式“成本”太高,收效并不尽如人意;而后一种方式花费少、成效大,而且阻力小,容易得到“国际社会”的认可。美国发动侵略伊拉克的战争,花了2000多亿美元,死亡1500多人,得罪了许多盟国,仍没有完全达到目的,反而留下了许多后遗症;而在乌克兰2004年的“橙色革命”中,前前后后只投入2亿美元左右,人未伤亡一个,就大见成效,并得到盟国的一致支持。这样,美国为了实现领导和称霸全世界的愿望,推翻反美的或不那么亲美的政权,扶植亲美政权,除非万不得已使用武力,其首选是和平方式的“颜色革命”。一系列“颜色革命”就是根据美国独霸世界的需要,在美国导演下发生的。当然这只是美国的愿望,有时也会事与愿违。对于美国的帝国主义本质,应该有清醒的认识,不要抱不切实际的幻想;对美国操纵“颜色革命”的危险,应该有高度的警惕,不能掉以轻心。

  美国推行“颜色革命”有一个共同的特点,即打出的都是民主的旗号。美国先给不合其意的政权扣上“不民主”“独裁”“反人道”“违反人权”等帽子,然后鼓动反对派起来要民主。这是很容易迷惑人的。在上世纪80年代末、90年代初苏联东欧国家的剧变中,美国使的就是这一招;本世纪初在南斯拉夫、格鲁吉亚、乌克兰、吉尔吉斯斯坦以及后来的北非国家,使的还是这一招。例如,1989年10月7日,在民主德国首都柏林,得到美国支持的示威者在共和国国庆招待会场外高呼的就是要“民主”的口号;10月9日,在莱比锡爆发的7万人参加的游行示威提出的要求也是实现“民主”。苏联东欧国家的社会主义政权都是在“民主”的“街头政治”的冲击下倒台的。

  进入21世纪,美国对反美的南斯拉夫米洛舍维奇政权以及尽管亲美但不那么彻底的格鲁吉亚、乌克兰、吉尔吉斯斯坦的原政权,也是用“民主”“公正选举”这一手法迫使当权者下台,换上听话的完全亲美的政权。例如,在2004年乌克兰选举风波中,当反对派的支持者被问到“为什么要支持尤先科”时,很多人回答:“支持尤先科就是支持民主”。美国也想对中国使用这一招。本世纪初,美国时任国务卿赖斯来中国访问之前就叫嚷:“中国的民主进程应该有一个日程表”,她已经迫不及待了。我们必须在广大党员、干部和群众中广泛进行马克思主义的民主观教育,从理论上分清无产阶级民主与资产阶级民主的界限,理直气壮地批判资产阶级民主,揭露美国鼓吹的“民主”的实质;同时采取切实有效的措施,发扬社会主义民主,真正体现人民当家作主。面对美国推行“颜色革命”的逼人攻势,我们必须进一步从理论上、实践上有针对性地开展有关工作。

  为了实现“颜色革命”,美国不惜财力。凡是发生“颜色革命”的国家,反对派没有一个不得到美国的财政支持。美国极其慷慨、不惜血本地支持反对派进行反对现政权的活动,包括做意识形态宣传、搞“街头政治”、组织选举等。在乌克兰,当以尤先科为首的反对派组织大规模示威,需要把各地群众集中到首都基辅时,美国通过非政府组织出钱租车并发放劳务费,而且一夜之间在广场上搭起了供住宿的帐篷。在格鲁吉亚的玫瑰革命过程中,美国也借助于非政府组织事先准备好了一切,如花多少钱、资助哪个反政府组织、与谁合作,等等。为了颠覆白俄罗斯卢卡申科政权,2004年美国政府拨款8900万美元用于支持白俄罗斯的独立媒体、反对派、国内组织和商业团体。2005年美国参议院又宣布将专门拨款500万美元用于资助白俄罗斯的反对派。

  值得注意的是,美国有关“颜色革命”的准备工作往往是通过非政府组织进行的,在做意识形态工作的阶段更是如此。各种基金会打着合作交流、资助科学研究等幌子进行思想渗透,并物色将来可以利用的人选。这种活动是隐蔽的、潜移默化的,直到关键时刻其作用才显现出来。因此,对这类基金会组织必须认真对待,仔细甄别。

  美国十分注意从政治上培植反对派中能起领导作用的“骨干分子”。波兰的莱赫·瓦文萨、南斯拉夫的沃伊斯拉夫·科什图尼察、格鲁吉亚的米哈伊尔·萨卡什维利、乌克兰的维克多·安德烈耶维奇·尤先科都是美国相中的“领袖人物”,他们都受过美国明里暗里的鼎力相助,有的还直接在美国接受过“民主教育”。例如,2003年夏天,美国在贝尔格莱德举办了一个讲习班,格鲁吉亚的萨卡什维利应邀前往,接受有关进行塞尔维亚式的“温和革命”的培训。几个月后萨卡什维利便在格鲁吉亚成功地发动了“玫瑰革命”,顺利登上总统宝座。除了领袖外,美国还大力培养“中坚力量”。2000年3月,美国在匈牙利首都布达佩斯的希尔顿饭店举办“非暴力抵抗讲习班”,24名南斯拉夫反对派领导人秘密前往受训。这些人在专家指导下学会了如何组织罢工、罢课,如何通过手势进行交谈,如何克服恐惧心理,如何动摇一个“独裁政府”的统治,等等。这些人学成回国后很快就投入反米洛舍维奇的街头政治中。2004年秋,美国派遣1000余人分赴乌克兰14个州,为橙色革命及时培养、输送了大批骨干。在白俄罗斯,2003年有近200名白俄罗斯“民主活跃分子”赴美参观、受训,50名白俄罗斯青年参加美国政府组织的“未来领导人”项目,赴美学习。

  三、预防“颜色革命”是一项系统工程

  在当前国际国内形势下,西方在我国搞“颜色革命”的危险是客观存在的。我国是在资本主义包围下进行社会主义建设的,在世界范围内,资本主义无论在政治、经济、科技、军事上还是在意识形态上,都占有优势,美国对我国一直在推行西化、分化的战略。用邓小平的话来说,他们不喜欢我国走社会主义道路,力图推翻我国的社会主义制度。对这股势力绝不能低估。

  改革开放以来,西方在我国搞“颜色革命”的各种动作始终没有停息过。预防“颜色革命”,我们必须加强国家的专政工具。在出现政治动乱的情况下,运用专政工具维护政局的稳定、社会的安定,是完全必要的。正如邓小平指出的:“无产阶级作为一个新兴阶级夺取政权,建立社会主义,本身的力量在一个相当长时期内肯定弱于资本主义,不靠专政就抵制不住资本主义的进攻。坚持社会主义就必须坚持无产阶级专政,我们叫人民民主专政。”“运用人民民主专政的力量,巩固人民的政权,是正义的事情,没有什么输理的地方。”民主与专政是统一的,只有对极少数敌人实行专政,才能够充分保障绝大多数人民的民主权利。对少数闹“颜色革命”的自由化分子进行专政,并对其中触犯了刑律的人依法进行处理,这是理直气壮的。我们讲依法治国、依宪治国,就包含这个内容。

  同时,对于“颜色革命”这一类危及政局稳定的事情,仅仅依靠专政机关是远远不够的。我们必须把注意力放在预防上,防患于未然。预防“颜色革命”,从正面来说,就是加强党的执政能力建设。这是一个涉及各方面工作的系统工程。至少有以下几项工作应该作为基本措施。

  1.加强马克思主义的指导地位,做好意识形态工作。应该充分认识到意识形态工作的极端重要性。意识形态领域历来是敌对势力同我们激烈争夺的重要阵地,如果这个阵地出了问题,就可能导致社会动乱甚至丧失政权。

  2.在组织上必须使各级领导权牢牢掌握在马克思主义者手里。这是共产党巩固执政地位、防止“颜色革命”的关键。只要各级党政干部都是忠于党、忠于社会主义事业、全心全意为人民服务的人,那么,不管国内外敌对势力掀起多大的风浪,我们的政权都会稳如泰山。因此,必须警惕和防止那些“吃共产党的饭、砸共产党的锅”的“砸锅党”人,钻进领导干部的队伍。

   3.最根本的是要巩固和加强党的群众基础。在社会主义国家,所谓“颜色革命”实际上是一场激烈的阶级斗争,胜负取决于力量对比。我们不怕有人反对,因为在经济全球化和多元多样多变的社会里,由于利益诉求的驱动,总会有人反对社会主义事业。有人反对并不可怕,怕只怕没有广大人民群众坚定的支持,即执政党没有可靠的群众基础。对于执政能力来说,这是具有决定性的。

  4.防止“颜色革命”,加强党的执政能力建设,必须巩固和加强公有制的主体地位,增强国有经济的主导作用。经济基础决定上层建筑,社会主义制度的经济基础是生产资料的公有制,我们的人民民主专政是建立在公有制基础上的。只有不断加强公有制的主体地位,我们的政权才能稳固。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Spain: Spain’s Defense against Trump’s Tariffs

Austria: The Harvard President’s Voluntary Pay Cut Is a Strong Signal

Canada: Trump Prioritizes Commerce Over Shared Values in Foreign Policy Gamble

Austria: Trump Ignores Israel’s Interests during Gulf Visit

Topics

Germany: Trump-Putin Call: Nothing but Empty Talk

Austria: The Harvard President’s Voluntary Pay Cut Is a Strong Signal

Canada: No, Joly, We Don’t Want America’s Far-Left Academic Refugees

Germany: Trump’s Selfishness

Austria: Trump Ignores Israel’s Interests during Gulf Visit

Germany: Trump’s Offer and Trump’s Sword

Canada: A Guide To Surviving the Trump Era

Related Articles

Hong Kong: The Lessons of World War II: The Real World Importance of Resisting Hegemony

Mexico: The Trump Problem

Taiwan: Making America Great Again and Taiwan’s Crucial Choice

Venezuela: Vietnam: An Outlet for China

Germany: US Companies in Tariff Crisis: Planning Impossible, Price Increases Necessary

1 COMMENT