PACOM Commander Harris Making Things Even More Tense

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 March 2016
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jake Eberts. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Commander Harry B. Harris, Jr. of the U.S. Pacific Command in New Delhi said on March 2 that the three countries of America, India and Japan will host joint military exercises in the contested region of the South China Sea north of the Philippines. Harris both stated that the freedom of navigation on the seas is a fundamental right of all nations, and without naming names, criticized “some countries [that] seek to bully smaller nations through intimidation and coercion.” People already cannot count just how many times Harris has “warned" China recently.

Harris assumed command of the U.S. Pacific Fleet in 2013, and was promoted to commander of the U.S. Pacific Command (USPACOM) in May 2015, just in time for another new layer of tension in the South China Sea, and as America became a key outside interfering force leading to these changes. The entire U.S. military has increasingly emphasized its tough stance toward China, and Harris is one of the most prolific promoters. On different occasions, he has given speeches critical of China, showing the American military’s determination to preserve hegemony in the Western Pacific.

For instance, two days ago Harris somewhat unexpectedly warned China that were China to delimit any South China Sea air defense zone American forces would ignore it.

A logical result of this is that the Chinese public very much dislikes Harris, because in their view he is the “most unfriendly” USPACOM commander. Some Chinese have pointed out that he is half Japanese, and even used this to taunt him. Yet many Chinese scholars are opposed to such an association, and maintain that Harris’ attitude toward China and his Japanese ancestry are unrelated.

Given that the post of commander of the PACOM is a major one in the U.S. military, it is also an important diplomatic role. This position plays a decisive role in molding America’s safe relations toward China, and is an important link in the implementation of U.S.-China relations overall. While Harris is bound by the general trend in U.S.-China relations, in conflicts that occur in broader encounters between America and China, he also has the power to either lessen serious issues or, conversely, make large issues out of small ones.

Until now, there has been no sign that Harris is someone with interest in, or a sense of responsibility for, seriously protecting the South China Sea and its peaceful atmosphere. The fierce words he has for China are probably greater in number than his previous few predecessors, and even considering the last two years of tension in U.S.-China relations in the South China Sea, these displays still easily form people’s perception of his orientation: He is not friendly to China.

If the PACOM Commander makes any impression, it would be that his forces would charge in and establish the front line in the area, and also that he is just a pretty-faced star of U.S.-China relations — in which case, something bad is going to happen in the region.

China, of course, does not lack the ability to rebuke Harris, or even to cross verbal swords with him. We can just as easily go tit for tat in military exercises on the seas at our own doorstep. Harris has possibly fallen into a cycle of making mutual expressions of toughness with China.

Perhaps Harris does not merely wish to be loyal to American interests, but also understands exactly where the borders of Chinese interests exist, while simultaneously ascertaining China and America’s respective intentions in the South China Sea region. He ought to know that there are some Chinese who advocate scorn of American determination with Chinese determination, and his words are probably encouraging the will to fight on both sides.

Harris wishes to pull India into American and Japanese military demonstrations against China. This is likely just an empty show of strength. India is not America’s to mobilize, and there are also limits to the nerve of Japan, Australia and other American allies who enter the South China Sea and take substantive action there. If America really wishes to take some great action, perhaps it should have Harris take his own troops and go it alone.

Harris’ troops are undoubtedly the world’s most advanced, but it’s a pity that the South China Seas are so close to China. If both sides were to simulate exercises, the situation would be very complicated. If American forces make up their mind, Chinese goals in the South China Sea will become unsafe. If Chinese forces make up their mind, the American forces that make Chinese goals unsafe will themselves become unsafe. The two nuclear powers’ determination to push things to the very limits will have the world trembling in fear.

Overall, if during Harris’ term the South China Seas see any major event, the chances for him to score a win for America and receive the praises of the masses upon his homecoming are very small. At least this is what many Chinese believe.

Harris continuously reminds the Chinese that we need to fortify our construction on the South China Sea islands and reefs, and deploy more weapons systems. With the existence of the American military’s continued buildup in the South China Sea, in addition to deploying forces that are sufficient to meet the might of the challenging American forces, what other option do we have?

Now, of course, our advocacy for strengthening preparations against American military pressure directed at China is not to say that such considerations ought to guide our relations with [the U.S.]. U.S.-China relations are rich and extensive, like two hands reaching out toward each other, or even multiple hands reaching out; it is just this particular hand — that of Harris — that cannot become a life-threatening drawback.


美国太平洋总部司令哈里斯2日在新德里说,美印日三国将于今年在菲律宾北部的南海争议地区举行联合军事演习,哈里斯一方面表示海上航行自由是所有国家的基本权利,一方面不点名批评“一些国家试图通过恫吓和胁迫手段欺负小国”。人们已经不记得这是哈里斯最近第几次“警告中国”了。
  哈里斯2013年就任美国太平洋舰队司令,2015年5月升至美国太平洋总部司令,赶上了南海紧张因素的新一轮叠加,而美国成为导致这些变化的关键性外部介入力量。整个美国军方更突出了对华强硬的一面,其中哈里斯的曝光率大概最高,他在不同场合发表对华批评言论,展示美军在西太平洋维持霸权的决心。
  比如哈里斯日前有些突兀地警告中国不要划设南海防空识别区,表示一旦中国那样做,美军也会无视。
  一个合乎逻辑的结果是,中国公众很不喜欢哈里斯,因为他是他们印象中对华“最不友好”的美太总部司令。一些中国人于是指出他有一半日裔血统,甚至以此嘲讽他。但是也有很多中国学者反对这样联想,认为哈里斯的对华态度与他的日裔出身无关。
  太总部司令既是美军要职,也是一个重要的外交角色。这个位置对于塑造美国对华安全关系有举足轻重的作用,而且是执行中美关系的关键环节。哈里斯既受制于中美关系大局,也有着让中美矛盾在广阔的接触面上“大事化小”或者反过来“小题大做”的权力。
  迄今为止,没有迹象表明哈里斯是一位有兴趣、或者认为自己有责任认真维护南海和平氛围的人。他对华说的狠话大概比最近几届前任加起来还要多,即使考虑到这两年中美南海关系紧张,这些表现还是很容易形成人们对他的倾向性认识:他对华很不友好。
  如果太总部司令给人一种印象,他的军队将冲到塑造地区局势的一线,而且他本人就是中美关系的白脸明星,那么地区氛围就大事不妙了。
  中国当然不缺能对哈里斯反唇相讥、甚至与他唇枪舌剑的将军。我们在自己家门口的海域搞针锋相对的军事演习同样不困难。哈里斯有可能陷入与中方互示强硬的循环。
  也许哈里斯不仅要忠于美国的利益,他还要深入了解中国的利益边界在哪里,同时知悉美中两国在南海地区的决心。他应当知道,主张以中国决心蔑视美国决心的中国人有的是,他的言论大概在刺激中美两方很多人的斗志。
  哈里斯想拉印度加入美日的对华军事示威,这大概是虚张声势。印度不是美国能够调动的,日澳等美盟国进南海对华采取实质行动的胆子也有限,美如果真要在南海搞大动作,恐怕还要哈里斯立足于带着他的部队单干。
  哈里斯的部队无疑是世界上最先进的,可惜的是南海离中国太近了。如果双方都模拟大动作,情况将很不简单。即美军如果下决心,中国在南海上的目标就都不安全了。如果中国下决心,让中国目标不安全的美军就都不安全了。两个核大国的决心比拼到极致将令世界不寒而栗。
  总之在哈里斯的任内南海出大事,他能够为美军赢得骄傲并且受到万众欢呼凯旋的几率很小。至少很多中国人是这样认为的。
  哈里斯不断提醒中国人,我们需加强南海岛礁的建设,部署更多武器系统。美军不断强化在南海的军事存在,除了在南海配置足以应对美军挑衅的军力,我们能有别的什么选择吗?
  当然了,我们主张加强针对美国军事压力的战备,不是认为它应主导我们的对美关系。中美关系丰富而博大,两手对两手,甚至多手对多手,只是应对哈里斯的这一手决不可成为致命的短板。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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2 COMMENTS

  1. China has unilaterally spoiled the “peaceful atmosphere” of the South China Sea. It has bullied its neighbors, changed facts on the ground by creating artificial islands, and is now militarizing the area. Tough luck for you that China’s bullying has brought the U.S. many allies in the region who are willing to stand up to China’s threats 🙂